Content

Barış Can Sever

The Role of Non-State Actors for Refugees in Turkey

Local Integration of Syrian Refugees in Mersin

1. Edition 2020, ISBN print: 978-3-8288-4497-1, ISBN online: 978-3-8288-7533-3, https://doi.org/10.5771/9783828875333

Tectum, Baden-Baden
Bibliographic information
Barış Can Sever The Role of Non-State Actors for Refugees in Turkey Barış Can Sever The Role of Non-State Actors for Refugees in Turkey Local Integration of Syrian Refugees in Mersin Tectum Verlag Barış Can Sever The Role of Non-State Actors for Refugees in Turkey Local Integration of Syrian Refugees in Mersin © Tectum – ein Verlag in der Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft, Baden-Baden 2020 eBook 978-3-8288-7533-3I (Dieser Titel ist zugleich als gedrucktes Werk unter der ISBN 978-3-8288-4497-1 im Tectum Verlag erschienen.) Alle Rechte vorbehalten Besuchen Sie uns im Internet www.tectum-verlag.de Bibliografische Informationen der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Angaben sind im Internet über http://dnb.d-nb.de abrufbar. Preface Turkey undertook a leading role in providing international protection to refugees not only from Syria but also from other countries, in particular, located in the MENA region. Consequently, the volume of the flows and the emergency of the situation made the involvement of several actors into migration governance necessary in Turkey, including also various stakeholders of civil society. While designing this study, we believed that these efforts are worth to explore and analyze. Barış Can Sever, as a researcher who has intensive ties with civil society, successfully conducted this research with great motivation. This study is based on the dissertation of Barış Can SEVER, who had dedicated himself to an intensive research process for two years under my supervisorship. I believe, it is a contribution to migration studies by relying on a robust and relevant academic literature and theoretical debate, providing data from the field and analyzing an underrepresented area as part of this field study. Overall, the study addresses both theoretical aspects and also the practical challenges of the refugee integration issue in Turkey. More importantly, there are still only a limited number of studies regarding the role of non-state actors in Turkey about this process. Therefore, his work is one of the prominent efforts to discuss this issue in the related academic literature for the case of Turkey. Assoc. Prof. Dr. Gökay ÖZERİM Jean Monnet Chair on Migration, Yaşar University -Turkey V Abstract THE ROLE OF NON-STATE ACTORS IN TURKEY FOR THE LO- CAL INTEGRATION OF REFUGEES: THE CASE OF SYRIANS IN MERSIN Barış Can Sever Master Thesis, International Relations Advisor: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Mehmet Gökay ÖZERİM 2017 The Syrian civil war which started in 2011 has brought about one of the most staggering human tragedies in world history. While approximately 11 million refugees had to leave their homes, 13.5 million people still need to have humanitarian assistance under the ongoing war conditions. During the flow of Syrian refugees, the refugees who escaped from the escalating violence of the civil war mostly moved to neighboring countries, particularly Jordan, Lebanon and Turkey. By pursuing an open door policy and accepting more than 3 million Syrian refugees, Turkey became the leading country in respect to the numbers of Syrians refugees within the territory of nation-states. While most of the Syrian refugees have been living in urban and suburban places, a few of them have remained in refugee camps. The prolonged war in Syria and the permanency of Syrian refugees in host countries as undeniable circumstances initiated debates on the future of Syrian refugees in the local communities. Due to the permanency of Syrians in Turkey for a longer term, the integration of Syrian refugees has become prominent topics of debate in both the policy-making and societal levels. In this research, the theoretical and conceptual debates on the local integration of the refugees and the role of non-state actors in the integration take place in the nexus of migration management, the implementation of the states and VII non-state actors on the field. Particularly, as being one of the possible solutions to the migration phenomenon, the local integration will be examined through the understanding of the Syrians’ stay in Mersin which is one of the top ten provinces in Turkey regarding the numbers of Syrian refugees. In the methodology part of this research, semi-structured interviews were applied to 20 non-state actors in Mersin in order to have an idea about the role that they have played in the local integration of Syrian refugees. The data acquired from the interviews were interpreted by both qualitative and quantitative methods. In this way, while the profiles of selected non-state actors in the field were revealed, their participation and contribution to the integration process were interpreted. The results of the fieldwork led the researcher to the analysis that most of the integration activities and strategies of the non-state actors in Mersin were based on the role of complementing state policies and implementation which do not fully meet the expectations due to the high number of refugees and insufficient institutional capacity. Although there is a signal of cooperation among state and non-states actors, it is believed that the enhancement of communication between state and non-state actors would further contribute to the integration process of Syrian refugees. Lastly, the research would be considered as opening a window of opportunity for possible research which could investigate the role of non-state actors in other provinces in Turkey that have accepted numerous Syrian refugees. Abstract VIII Öz MÜLTECİLERİN YEREL ENTEGRASYONUNDA TÜRKİYE’DEKİ DEVLET DIŞI AKTÖRLERİN ROLÜ: MERSİN’DEKİ SURİYELİ MÜLTECİLER ÖRNEĞİ Barış Can Sever Yüksek Lisans Tezi, Uluslararası İlişkiler Danışman: Doç. Dr. Mehmet Gökay ÖZERİM 2017 2011’de başlayan Suriye İç Savaşı, dünya tarihinin en sarsıcı insanlık trajedilerinden birine sebep oldu. Yaklaşık 11 milyon mülteci evini terk etmek zorunda kalırken, 13,5 milyon kişi devam savaş koşulları altında halen insani yardıma ihtiyaç duymaktadır. Savaşın artan şiddeti nedeniyle kaçmakta olan Suriyeli mültecilerin akınları sırasında, pek çok mülteci ağırlıklı olarak Lübnan, Ürdün ve Türkiye gibi komşu ülkelere göç etmek zorunda kaldı. Açık kapı politikası uygulayan ve 3 milyondan fazla Suriyeli mülteciyi kabul eden Türkiye, ulus-devlet sınırları içerisinde kabul ettiği Suriyeli mültecilerin sayısı bağlamında lider ülke konumuna geldi. Suriyeli mülteciler ağırlıklı olarak şehir merkezlerinde ve çeperlerinde yaşarken, geriye kalan az sayıda mülteci kamplarda yaşamaktadır. Yadsınamayan gerçeklikler olarak; Suriye’de uzayan savaş ve Suriyeli mültecilerin ev sahibi ülkelerdeki kalıcılık durumları, yerel topluluklarda Suriyeli mültecilerin gelecekleri konusunda tartışmaları başlattı. Suriyelilerin Türkiye’de uzun dönemli kalıcı olmaları nedeniyle, Suriyeli mültecilerin uyum ve entegrasyonu, toplum ve politika yapıcı çevreler tarafından değerlendirilen önemli konulardan biri haline geldi. Bu çalışmada, göç yönetimi ve devlet-devlet dışı aktörlerin alandaki uygulamalarının kesiştiği noktalar bağlamında, mültecilerin yerel entegrasyonu ve devlet dışı aktörlerin entegrasyondaki rolleri kuramsal ve IX kavramsal tartışmalar içerisinde ele alınmaktadır. Özellikle, göç konusuna sunulan çözümlerden bir tanesi olan yerel entegrasyon, Suriyelilerin en çok yaşadıkları şehirler arasında ilk 10'a giren Mersin örneği ile incelenmektedir. Çalışmanın yöntem bölümünde yarı yapılandırılmış görüşmeler, Suriyeli mültecilerin yerel entegrasyonunda yer alan devlet dışı aktörlerin oynadıkları rol hakkında fikir edinme amacıyla, 20 farklı devlet dışı aktöre uygulanmak üzere kurgulandı. Görüşmelerden elde edilen veri, niceliksel ve niteliksel yöntemler ile yorumlandı. Bu yöntemler ile, görüşülen devlet dışı aktörlerin profilleri hakkında bilgiler ortaya çıkartılırken, entegrasyon sürecine katılımları ve katkıları da değerlendirildi. Alan çalışmasının sonuçları araştırmacıya şunu gösterdi: kurumsal kapasite yetersizliği ve yüksek rakamlara ulaşan mülteci sayısı nedeniyle beklentileri tam anlamıyla karşılayamayan devlet politikaları ve uygulamalarına ek olarak, Mersin’de görüşülen devlet dışı aktörlerin pek çoğu entegrasyona yönelik aktivite ve stratejileriyle tamamlayıcı nitelikte bir rol oynamaktadır. Ayrıca, devlet ve devlet dışı aktörlerin arasında bir işbirliği sinyali görünüyor olsa da, aktörler arasında bir üst seviyeye taşınacak iletişimin, Suriyeli mültecilerin entegrasyonuna katkı yapacağı düşünülmektedir. Son olarak bu çalışma, aynı konu bağlamında Türkiye’nin diğer şehirlerindeki devlet dışı aktörlerin inceleneceği ileriye dönük araştırmalar için bir fırsat penceresi olarak dü- şünülmektedir. Öz X Acknowledgments I would first like to thank my thesis advisor Assoc. Prof. Dr. Mehmet Gökay Özerim of Yaşar University. The door to Prof. Özerim’s office was always open whenever I ran into a trouble spot or had a question about my research or writing. He consistently allowed this paper to be my own work, but steered me in the right direction whenever he thought I needed it. I would also like to thank the experts and institutions who were involved in the validation interviews for this research project: Certified Translator N.B., Mersin City Council, Mezitli City Council, Mersin University Regional Monitor and Application Center (BIAMER), Mersin University Migration Studies Application and Research Center (MER-GOC), Mersin Chamber of Medicine, Mersin Chamber of Commerce and Industry, Mersin Catholic Church, Mersin Djemevi, Association for Solidarity with Asylum Seekers and Migrants (ASAM), Mersin 7Renk LGBTI Education, Research and Solidarity Association, Mersin Mediterranean Rotary Club, YUVA Association, MAYA Association, Mersin Users of Organized Industry Zones Association (MOR- SKUD), The Sandal of Liberty Association, Syria Social Gathering, SE- QUA, Social Services Directorate in Mersin Metropolitan Municipality, Mezitli District Governorship Social Assistance and Solidarity Foundation. Without their passionate participation and input, the validation interviews could not have been successfully conducted. I would also like to acknowledge Dr. Ful Uğurhan of the Mersin Chamber of Commerce, Prof. Dr. Gülden Ersöz of Mersin University and Dr. Bediz Yılmaz of MAYA Association as great contributors to my fieldwork and this thesis. I am also gratefully indebted to valuable comments of the jury which consisted of Assoc. Dean Dr. Işık Gürleyen of Academic Affairs at IES Abroad EU Center, Assoc. Prof. Dr. Ayselin Yıldız of Yaşar University and Assoc. Prof. Dr. Mehmet Gökay Özerim of Yaşar University. I would also like to thank my former lecturer Donald Dungan of Izmir University of Economics who reviewed XI this thesis in respect to English grammar rules and has always supported me throughout my educational life. Finally, I must express my very profound gratitude to my dearest family and my lovely friends and to the Munis and Bağcı families who became my second family in İzmir, for providing me with unfailing support and continuous encouragement throughout my years of study and through the process of researching and writing this thesis. Also, I would like to thank Dr. Mustafa Ersöz who always encouraged me during our conversations toward the publication of this thesis as a book. This accomplishment would not have been possible without them. Thank you. Acknowledgments XII Inhaltsverzeichnis Preface. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . V Abstract. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . VII Öz . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . IX Acknowledgments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . XI Figure List . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . XVII Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Syrian Refugees, Turkey and the International System. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Chapter 1 7 Migration in International Relations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .1.1. 7 Turkey and Migratory Movements. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .1.2. 13 Syrian Civil War, Refugees and Turkey . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .1.3. 18 Theoretical and Conceptual Debates on Local Integration and Integration of Refugees. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Chapter 2 25 Migration: Concept and Theories . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .2.1. 25 Integration. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .2.2. 30 Models of Integration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .2.3. 32 Integration of Refugees . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .2.4. 39 State-Level and Local Level Integration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .2.5. 40 Local Integration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .2.6. 42 XIII Abbreviation List . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . XIX Non-State Actors and Their Role in Integration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Chapter 3 47 The Concept of Non-State Actor . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .3.1. 47 International Non-Governmental Organizations (INGOs) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .3.1.1. 49 Transnational Corporations (TNCs) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .3.1.2. 50 Civil Society Organizations (CSOs). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .3.1.3. 52 Professional Chambers (Trade Associations) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .3.1.4. 53 City Councils. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .3.1.5. 54 Universities. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .3.1.6. 54 Business Networks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .3.1.7. 55 Religious Communities. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .3.1.8. 56 Individuals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .3.1.9. 57 The Roles of the Non-State Actors in Integration of Refugees and Migrants . . . . . . . . . .3.2. 58 Complementary Role of Non-State Actors to the State Policies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .3.2.1. 59 Monitoring Role of Non-State Actors to the State Policies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .3.2.2. 60 Critical Position of Non-State Actors to the State Policies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .3.2.3. 62 Humanitarian Assistance to the Refugees . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .3.2.4. 63 Integration Works in the Living Areas of Refugees. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .3.2.5. 64 Strategies and Activities for Medium and Long Term Integration . . . . . . . . . . . .3.2.6. 65 The Case of Mersin and Findings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Chapter 4 67 Historical Background of Mersin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .4.1. 68 Syrian Refugees in Mersin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .4.2. 71 Overall Findings and Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .4.3. 74 Integration Parameters and The Role of Non-State Actors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .4.4. 85 Housing and Accommodation. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .4.4.1. 86 Health . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .4.4.2. 87 Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .4.4.3. 87 Legal Assistance. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .4.4.4. 89 Language Courses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .4.4.5. 90 Employment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .4.4.6. 90 Skills development . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .4.4.7. 91 Social and Cultural Aspect . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .4.4.8. 92 Participation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .4.4.9. 93 Non-State Actors’ Perception on State Policies and Actions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .4.5. 95 Inhaltsverzeichnis XIV Non-State Actors’ Perception on the Syrian Refugees . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .4.6. 97 Interview with the Mersin Provincial Directorate of Migration Management (MPDMM). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.7. 101 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105 Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111 Appendix . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127 Inhaltsverzeichnis XV Figure List Figure 1. A Typology of International Regimes 10 Figure 2. A Conceptual Framework Defining Core Domains of Integration 35 Figure 3. Integration as Two Way Processes Across Domains 37 Figure 4. Main Migration Route of the Syrian Refugees from Syria to Mersin 69 Figure 5. The Location of Mersin on the Map of Turkey 69 Figure 6. Syrians Under Temporary Protection (TOP 10 PROVINCES) 72 Figure 7. Profile of Designated Non-state Actors in Mersin in the Field of Migration 74 Figure 8. Types of Non-state Actors in the Research 76 Figure 9. Experience in the Field 77 Figure 10. Number of Staff Working in the Field of Migration 77 Figure 11. Funded by Whom? 78 Figure 12. Any Branches? 79 Figure 13. How to get in touch with refugees? 80 Figure 14. In touch with refugees since when? 81 XVII Figure 15. Why got in touch later than the beginning of the refugee flows? 81 Figure 16. Cooperation with whom? 82 Figure 17. Target Groups of Their Activities 83 Figure 18. What sources are to be utilized? 84 Figure 19. Involved Areas 94 Figure 20. Knowledge about State and Local Governments’ Integration Policies and Actions 95 Figure 21. Opinion on State and Local Governments’ Integration Policies 96 Figure 22. Complementary or not? 97 Figure 23. Opinion on the Refugees’ Future 98 Figure 24. Possible to be integrated? 99 Figure 25. Factors to accelerate the integration process 100 Figure List XVIII Abbreviation List AFA: Disaster and Emergency Management Presidency CSOs: Civil Society Organizations DGMM: Turkish Directorate General of Migration Management EU: European Union EU-ization: Europeanization GCIM: Global Commission on International Migration ICG: International Crisis Group ILO: International Labor Organization IOs: International Organizations INGOs: International Non-Governmental Organizations IR: International Relations ISIS: Islamic State of Iraq and Syria MENA: Middle East – North African MNCs: Multinational Corporations MPDMM: Mersin Provincial Directorate of Migration Management MPI: Migration Policy Institute NGOs: Non-Governmental Organizations OECD: Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development OSCE: Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe TP: Temporary Protection TPHFD: Turkish Police Headquarters (Foreigners’ Department) TNCs: Transnational Corporations UN: United Nations UNHCR: United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees US: United States USSR: Union of Soviet Socialist Republic WEF: World Economic Forum WW2: Second World War XIX Introduction Background While the outbreak of the civil war in Syria has displaced millions of people internally since 2011, it has also created one of the largest international human flows of this century. As a border country, Turkey undertook a prominent role and became the leading host country for the Syrians in a relatively short time period. Concomitantly, the existence of Syrians in Turkey has transformed into one of the most critical social, economic and also political challenges both for Turkey as a hosting country and the Syrians living in Turkey. Within the initial years of the crisis, volunteerism has been one of the most important factors which have mobilized many local people and stakeholders in Turkey to help the refugees and try to minimize their suffering. In a short period of time, the crisis also triggered the efforts to institutionalize migration management processes in Turkey and state-centered policies and activities have been formulated and implemented mostly with national resources and also partially with international aid. However, both due to the length of the crisis and also the comprehensiveness of the challenges, non-state actors became one of the prominent, complementary contributors to the process, in particular, for providing required humanitarian aid. In the case of the Syrians in Turkey, the prolongation of the civil war in Syria transformed the stay of Syrians in Turkey into a permanent situation and beyond humanitarian aid, the policies and activities for integration were revealed as an urgent need. In the refugee integration process, states usually play an important role. However, the state is not the only actor and there are other remarkable actors in the field (non-state actors), which are involved in refugee integration. The widest scope of the non-state actors is that all entities apart from the states can be regarded as non-state actors (San- 1 tarelli, 2013). In the case of Syrian refugees in Mersin, international non-governmental organizations (INGOs), transnational corporations (TNCs), civil society organizations (CSOs), professional chambers, city councils, universities, business networks, religious communities and individuals are examined in order to reveal the role of non-state actors in refugee integration. Moreover, it is possible to observe the cooperation between state and non-state actors in respect to refugee integration. For instance, civil society organizations have been providing different types of training for the refugees to increase their employability and delivering language courses to the refugees for their adaptation and integration into social life. There have also been different types of international and national funding programs for refugee projects which are conducted with the collaboration of various non-state actors. Therefore, non-state actors are worth analyzing because of their roles in development, implementation and monitoring of the policies and activities for refugees. Aim and Content of the Research Based on this background, this research aims at revealing and discussing the role of non-state actors within the local integration process of refugees in Turkey by taking the case of the Syrians in Mersin as an example. Mersin has been one of the cities in Turkey which has been hosting a considerable number of Syrian refugees and it is one of the 10 cities in Turkey with the largest Syrian population (DGMM, 2017). The city hosts Syrians coming from diverse socio-economic backgrounds. That’s why, with the inclusion of internal factors, a variety of dynamics has been affecting the process of adaptation and integration for the Syrian refugees in Mersin. The main focus of this research is the non-state actors’ actions in the integration process of the Syrian refugees. Some selected and prominent non-state actors in Mersin were analyzed during this research due to their close contact with Syrian refugees in Mersin and their involvement in the activities for integration. Also, the discussion of the relationship between state and nonstate actors in local integration will be presented in this research. Introduction 2 Regarding the content of this research, the history of Syrian refugees’ flow is firstly elucidated with the narration of the international system and Turkey’s history related to migratory movements in Chapter 1. Afterwards, Chapter 2 discusses the theories and the concepts in relation to migration and integration. Furthermore, particular nonstate actors related to refugee integration are introduced and their possible roles in the local integration become an object at issue in Chapter 3. The last part of the research, Chapter 4 reveals the fieldwork in Mersin with its results and analyses in respect to the role of non-state actors in the local integration of the Syrian refugees in Mersin. It is also likely to present a variety of perspectives from the literature on migration and integration. The plurality of the arguments and perspectives would be beneficial in order to produce analytical research. Meanwhile, the concepts around integration could be perceived in different ways by the audience. Also, the number of related actors in the sample and their different profiles create plurality for the research. One of the significant aspects of the research will be the understanding about state-level actors, the rising role of non-state actors in the governance and management of migration and the position of nonstate actors in the center of this web. Analyzing the relations in the field, it would be an important outcome whether the non-state actors are playing the role of being complementary to state policies and implementation or other roles such as monitoring and critical position in the local integration process. For the main goal of the research, non-state actors’ roles within the integration process will be evaluated by certain parameters of integration such as health, education, legal assistance, shelter, language, employment, skills development, social and cultural aspect, and participation. Analyzing these aspects of refugee integration would be beneficial to understand the actions of non-state actors in the field. For this purpose, the fieldwork in Mersin province concerning the role of nonstate actors in refugee integration will be presented. Introduction 3 Research Questions This is exploratory research asking the question “what is the role of non-state actors within the integration process of Syrian refugees in Mersin?” Moreover, the research also has some sub-questions such as: – In what areas do the non-state actors work on the issue of integration? – How do the non-state actors implement their strategies for the integration of the refugees? – What sort of relations do the non-state actors have with the authorities and state level official institutions? – Can the activities of non-state actors be perceived as substitutive activities under the state centric structure? – What is the structure of the relationship between decision makers and non-state actors in Turkey regarding integration policies and implementation? Methodology & Data Resources This research combines both theoretical and conceptual debates related to refugee integration, non-state actors and their roles in the local integration, and also empirical analysis based on fieldwork conducted in Mersin, Turkey. The interviews were conducted with twenty non-state actors, which play a role in the local integration of Syrian refugees in Mersin. The research specifically focused on Syrian refugees for a number of reasons. Firstly, Syrians are the largest refugee group in Turkey. Secondly, Mersin has become one of the provinces whose socio-economic dynamics are considerable in transition with the participation of Syrian refugees into local markets and social relations. According to the notes from the interview with the Mersin Provincial Directorate of Migration Management (MPDMM), while more than 150,000 registered Syrians who have been under Temporary Protection (TP) are living in Mersin, 3,900 people from 47 different nationalities registered under international protection stay in Mersin. For Syrians, being under TP Introduction 4 regime is a different process than international protection. Finally, due to the reasons stated above, most of the non-state actors’ activities in the field of refugees in Turkey are focused on Syrians. The Mersin province was selected as a field for the research based on several reasons. First of all, Mersin is one of the provinces in Turkey, which has been one of the top ten cities that host the highest number of Syrian refugees (DGMM, 2017). Also, there is a lack of research on the role of the non-state actors in the local integration of Syrian refugees in Mersin. In addition to that, there is a lack of enough fieldwork on the issue and there is a need for analytical academic work, which does not only include the theoretical and conceptual debates but also the analyses from this fieldwork. Thereby, the exploratory research design would be convenient and supported to investigate the circumstances in the field (Research Methodology, 2017). As methodology, both quantitative and qualitative methods were applied to the research. A semi-structured interview was applied to the respondents in order to obtain quantitative and qualitative data which helped the researcher to reveal some statistics and verbal interpretations concerning the actions of the non-state actors in the local integration process of the Syrian refugees. The data were processed by the method of coding under specific themes in accordance with the responses. A codebook was established to process the data. In the codebook, the responses of each non-state actor were analysed and the most common answers were grouped as constructing the main themes. After the determination of the main themes, the responses were considered again. With the consideration of the responses by taking into account the main themes, the statistics were revealed and graphed. These inclusionary themes led to the appearance of the statistics. Also, two different ways were used to designate the research sample. First of all, the researcher formulated a list of various institutions including state and non-state actors by looking at the report of the first and foremost workshop in Mersin concerning the problems of Syrian refugees (BİAMER, 2014). In the list, there were potentially thirty nonstate actors to be interviewed. Afterwards, while the researcher was communicating with a couple of institutions from the list in the report, the snowball sampling was also applied in the efforts of reaching different institutions and individuals that have been related to the local Introduction 5 integration of Syrian refugees in Mersin. During the research period, several institutions did not agree to be part of the research interview due to the delicacy of the matter. As a result, twenty non-state actors participated in the research by responding to the interview questions. The interview was comprised of several questions which were aimed at revealing the role of non-state actors in the local integration of Syrian refugees in Mersin. While some questions were asked in order to discover the profiles of these non-state actors which helped the construction of basic statistics, there were also open-ended questions to grasp the non-state actors’ actions on the field and their opinion about the state policies and actions regarding the Syrian refugees’ stay in Mersin. Also, several questions were directed to these non-state actors in order to find out their perceptions on the Syrian refugees in Mersin. Each interview lasted almost one hour. In addition to that, the researcher interviewed the MPDMM in respect to their policies and implementation. This interview could be regarded as a supplementary element to produce an analytical work. The results of the fieldwork were assessed and interpreted by utilizing integration parameters such as housing and accommodation, health, education, legal assistance, language courses, employment, skills development, social and cultural aspect, and the participation which are derived from the sources of Ager & Strang (2008) and Spencer & Charsley (2016). In addition to that, Penninx’s (2003) work is another crucial source to evaluate the relevant categorization of nonstate actors before processing the results. Moreover, several publications of the non-state actors, statements and implementations of the authorities were analysed as other secondary data resources. These other secondary data contributed to the research by giving additional information on the process of the local integration in Mersin. Introduction 6 Syrian Refugees, Turkey and the International System Migration in International Relations Migration is not a new phenomenon in human history. Homosapiens have not ended nomadism in our modern age and the precipitating reasons for the forced migration have not been vanished yet. Even before the modern international system (17th century) was constructed, immigrants and refugees were the affected agents of various causes such as conflicts, poverty, climate change and undemocratic regimes. Both the causes and outcomes of the migratory issues were influential for societies, empires and ancient Greek city-states. Needless to say, migration is also quite important for international relations and their evolvement. Koslowski (2002) mainly examined human migration through history and its impact on the transformation of international relations in his article by looking at pre-modern age world politics. Throughout the ages, migration has become one of the influential factors to shape history as it affects the demography, politics, economy, social and cultural dynamics (Koslowski, 2002: 375). For instance, the homogeneous feature of the Greek city-state Athens ethnically evolved into a plural society due to the impact of migration caused by factors such as war and epidemics (Koslowski, 2002: 388). Migration, immigrants, and refugees are prominent issues for many academic disciplines such as philosophy, history, sociology, anthropology, psychology, economy, cultural and urban studies, politics, international relations, and law. There have been many scholarly works within the inter-disciplinary areas which focus on multiple dimensions of the migration phenomenon. The Global Commission on International Migration (GCIM) reveals intermingled structure of the global issues related to the area of migration and also its comprehensive influence on human history by emphasizing significant variables of social, economic, Chapter 1 1.1. 7 and cultural change with the non-static relationship between migration and history (GCIM, 2005). The complex nature of this phenomenon consists of the background and the sources of the migratory movements and refugee flows, including current conditions of the immigrants, asylum seekers, refugees, as well as relations among the migrants, host society and state, the possible future for the people, the communities and states. In other words, migration is a long and complex process which requires being investigated at each level consisting of before, during, and after phases of the migratory movements. Also, the matters of legal status, politics, economy, social and cultural dynamics deserve to be examined during this process. That’s why, literature on migration and refugees regarding their flows to and settlements in other countries varies considerably. Due to the sophisticated nature of the debates around migration and refugees which embrace various aspects of the issue, it has been one of the discussion topics whether the disciplinary bias is limiting the research in this area (Castles, 2010: 1569). In addition to that, each discipline has its own focus and perspectives for migration and refugees without ignoring the approaches of other disciplines. International Relations (IR) as one of the distinguished areas in social sciences mostly propounds the arguments related to the interactions among state and non-state actors (individuals, organizations, etc.), state’s policies and its implications on different levels such as global, national and local layers. Concerning migration and refugees, states are regarded as one of the key actors to implement relevant policies and manage migratory processes and the outcomes of migration (Hollifield, 2012). Especially, when we think about the forced migrations of refugees, the states can be interpreted as the actors of both generating and governing the events such as conflicts and wars for the former, management and integration for the latter. Also, migration is highly related to one of the states’ sovereignty realms which is its borders. Although globalization and intensive migratory movements sometimes make the borders meaningless, states are still hegemon on their borders which determine the territory of a nation-state and socalled legal position of the individuals in the country. That’s why, it is a matter of fact that state sovereignty and borders are still prominent issues for migration and refugees. Chapter 1 Syrian Refugees, Turkey and the International System 8 Likewise, the discipline of IR significantly deals with the non-state actors which are on the list of relevant agencies related to the matters of migration and integration. In our age of globalization, communication and digitalization, non-state actors have a considerable impact on the course of events in global, national, regional and local areas as much as states do. Guttormsen and Wetering (2013) argue that interactions among states can be better comprehended by analyzing not only the states’ actions but also the intermingled relations among states and nonstate actors such as business circles, universities and research institutions (Guttormsen & Wetering, 2013: 2). Considering the interpretation above, non-state actors are not an exception to the matters of migration and refugees through the perspectives of International Relations. In addition to that, the liberal perception of international relations has been preponderating on the institutional settings of world politics, mostly in the last three decades of the 20th century. According to Viotti and Kauppi (2012), “global governance to neoliberal institutionalists does not mean world government, but rather the ways and means by which both state and not-state actors act authoritatively to deal with issues on the global agenda” (Viotti & Kauppi, 2012: 118). Regarding mainstream IR theories, liberal approaches rather than realist perspectives have placed importance on the role of non-state actors within world politics. In the 20th century, there were not just massive migrations but also exchanges of populations by the decision of the nation states. This century witnessed a cold war and two major wars, passed through significant changes in the international arena. After the Second World War (WW2), international political leadership and the spectrum were rendered mostly by the United States (US) and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republic (USSR) who were the two main opposite sides of the cold war. With the end of the cold war and the beginning of the last decade of the 20th century, the US took leadership of international politics which entered into the phase of neoliberal globalization. Also, in this century, Europe left its prolonged wars behind as the main pillars of the European Union (EU) were starting to be settled by agreements among European countries during the post-WW2 period. The birth of the League of Nations at the beginning of the century also evolved into a more functioning body which became the United Nations (UN), in the second half of the century. 1.1. Migration in International Relations 9 The lessons taken from the tragedies of previous centuries and the first half of the 20th century were reflected on international agreements which were mostly drafted and monitored by the UN. One of the significant areas has been the international refugee regime on which countries signed crucial international agreements as the benchmarks of this regime. Before illustrating the agreements and institutions, a typology of international regimes which could basically offer an idea about the international system and the international refugee regime after WW2, will be presented. The typology of Hollifield (2012), introduced in Figure 1, “points to a clear distinction between the regulation of capital, goods, and services on one hand and migrant labor or refugees (people) on the other” (Hollifield, 2012: 12). Although this typology represents a dimension of neo-liberal political economy structure which has been interpreted by various accounts as a source of global inequalities, it needs to be taken into account here in order to contribute to the comprehension of the position of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), International Labor Organization (ILO) and International Organization for Migration (IOM) which have been prominent international bodies for the rights of refugees and immigrants, and international migration and refugee regimes. A Typology of International Regimes Source: James F. Hollifield (2012). Why do states risk migration?, p. 13. Figure 1. Chapter 1 Syrian Refugees, Turkey and the International System 10 The UNHCR was established in 1950 after WW2 in order to respond to the needs of millions who escaped from or lost their homes in Europe (UNHCR, 2001–2017a). It has been functioning as one of the main figures in the international migration regime since that time. Another significant international organization is the IOM (first known as the Provisional Intergovernmental Committee for the Movement of Migrants from Europe), which was founded in 1951 with a similar purpose as the UNHCR establishment. After the war, the IOM had the mission of “identifying resettlement countries for the estimated 11 million people uprooted by the war, and it arranged transport for nearly a million migrants during the 1950s” (IOM, 2017a). Since that time, it has also been operating within the international migration regime as an influential actor. The Geneva Convention relating to the Status of Refugees (1951) and 1967 Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees have been two important international agreements which clarify and define the rights of refugees and the responsibilities of states for protecting the rights of refugees. The UNCHR briefly explains the 1951 Refugee Convention with these words: “The 1951 Refugee Convention is the key legal document that forms the basis of our work. Ratified by 145 State parties, it defines the term ‘refugee’ and outlines the rights of the displaced, as well as the legal obligations of States to protect them” (UNHCR, 2001– 2017b). According to the Refugee Convention, the main goal of the agreement is to preserve the principle of non-refoulement under the wings of international law. The principle of non-refoulement basically represents that “the most essential component of refugee status and of asylum is protection against return to a country where a person has reason to fear persecution” (UNHCR, 1977). In addition to that, the scope of the Geneva Convention was constructed in accordance with the dynamic feature of the migration phenomenon which mostly prevails in the host country. That’s why, the Convention agreed to guard refugees’ rights concerning their plights in host countries. For instance, these rights of refugees were mostly based on their daily life dynamics in the host country which can be listed as “the right to work, the right to housing, the right to education, the right to public relief and assistance, the right to freedom of religion, the right to access the court, the 1.1. Migration in International Relations 11 right to freedom of movement within the territory, the right to be issued identity and travel documents” (UNHCR, 2011). For the protection of and with respect to refugee rights, the states have been expected to cooperate with the UNHCR which regarded itself as the guardian of the 1951 Geneva Convention and 1967 Additional Protocol (UNHCR, n.d.). The Convention and its Additional Protocol represent two important pillars of the international refugee regime as they encourage the cooperation and solidarity among states on an international ground. More importantly, the presence of the Convention always has the possibility to stimulate the international community to protect the rights of the refugees in spite of failures on the ground. Concerning the Geneva Convention and 1967 Protocol, it was claimed that while the former was a limited initial step as it only conserved the rights of European refugees, the latter became a crucial supplementary agreement to the Geneva Convention as it was aimed to respond to spreading displacement issues around the world (UNHCR, 2011). To elaborate on the 1967 Protocol, a report by the UNHCR highlights that the Additional Protocol lifted the geographical and time limitations which were annotated in the 1951 Geneva Convention (UNHCR, 2011). The reform with the Additional Protocol on the Convention rendered this international agreement universal rather than regional or local. A person who is displaced or faces persecution in any country can have the rights of refugees and settle in another country by acquiring the same rights as the citizens of the host states in accordance with the Additional Protocol to the Geneva Convention. Only three countries, Madagascar, Turkey and the Vatican, have not removed the reservation on the geographical limitations which implies that “refugee definition contemplates a temporal and a geographic limitation – one being recognized as a refugee only in relation to events which occurred in Europe and before 1 January 1951” (Nasr, 2016). To sum up, after WW2, the international community seemed to be making advancements on a global issue regarding the rights of refugees and the regulation of their daily life in the host country, at least on paper and in particular examples. Moreover, international migration is an important issue for international regime also by its’ links to human rights and humanitarian as- Chapter 1 Syrian Refugees, Turkey and the International System 12 sistance. The humanitarian perspective of this issue also brings responsibility for international community at national and international levels. Turkey’s role by hosting and embracing Syrians following the outbreak of the war in Syria can also be considered an example of these humanitarian policies. For a better explanation of this role and process, the following sections of this chapter will mainly focus on the migration history of Turkey and responses to migratory movements during its history. Turkey and Migratory Movements Turkey has a diverse experience in international migration flows and the migratory movements that Turkey has faced, has also changed through different time periods (Heper & Sayarı, 2016). The geography where Turkey is located, Anatolia, has long been a witness to various migratory movements. With its peculiar geographical and geopolitical position that has hosted different civilizations throughout history, surrounded by oil producing countries, three seas, with fertile soils including trade and migration routes, the straits, rivers that irrigate fertile soils resulted in Turkey becoming a region of both immigration and emigration as well as a transit country. The conflicts, fights, genocides and wars around its surrounding geography also brought migration flows to Turkey by making the country both a destination and also a transit point. Especially, as İçduygu (2014) stated, globalization and the European migratory system have influenced the profile of Turkey by transforming it from a country of emigration into an extensive country of immigration (İçduygu, 2014: 2). The migratory movements and the reflections of the migrations on Turkish politics have steadily continued since the establishment of the Turkish Republic in 1923. According to the numbers given by the Turkish Directorate General of Migration Management (DGMM), 384 thousand people from Greece (1922–1938), 800 thousand people from the Balkans (1923–1945), 800 thousand people from Germany (1933– 1945), 51,542 people from Iraq (1988), 345 thousand people from Bulgaria (1989), 467,489 people from Iraq (1991), 20 thousand people from Bosnia (1992–1998), 17,746 people from Kosovo (1999), 10,500 1.2. 1.2. Turkey and Migratory Movements 13 people from Macedonia and 500 thousand people from Syria (2011– 2013) migrated to Turkey due to conflicts, political and social incidents in these countries (DGMM, 2015). The 1934 Law on Settlement has been regarded as the first comprehensive regulation for refugees and asylum seekers within the history of the Turkish Republic (Şimşek, 2017). The Settlement Act was to regulate the settlement of people who requested asylum in Turkey. However, due to the scope of the Settlement Act, it has also been one of the regulations that faces the most criticism. The law only includes the migration and integration of those who have had Turkish origin and culture. That’s why, it was considered as one of the policies of Turkifying the population in the Turkish Republic (İçduygu & Aksel, 2013). In parallel to the policies of Turkifying the population, the exchange of populations between Greece and Turkey was the first migratory movement in the history of the Turkish Republic. Looking at the Balkan migrations which represent the migrations from Yugoslavia to Turkey, another source separates the movements into two main and intensive periods. The first period has been determined as the years between 1919 and 1926 when 131,000 muhacir (a common name for the ones who had to migrate towards Anatolia from Balkan countries during the last years of the Ottoman Empire) escaping from Serbian-Croatian-Slovenian Kingdom and the years between 1930 and 1935 when people escaped from Serbian fascist rule (White Hand) in the Yugoslavian Kingdom and sought asylum in Turkey. The second period is represented by the period of Stalin and post-Stalin when migrations happened between 1948 and 1957 (Baklacıoğlu, 2015). The immigrant population led the way for the government in Turkey to formulate a foreign policy perspective and the active policies in former Yugoslavian countries due to family ties and historical relations. Furthermore, during WW2, many people – mostly Jewish and socialists were rescued from the Nazi’s slaughter by diplomatic cooperation. While a part of these people settled in Turkey, most of them used Turkey as a transit way to Palestine. The people who decided to stay in Turkey highly influenced the educational system and the disciplines of medicine and law in Turkey. Although they migrated to the US after the end of the war, their children and grandchildren kept living in Turkey (Balkır & Kaiser, 2015). Chapter 1 Syrian Refugees, Turkey and the International System 14 The end of WW2 opened new chapters in the history of migration and refugees regime. After the experiences of numerous tragedies at home and plights of refugees at host countries, international community – European countries as a processor in world politics, verged to cooperate with each other and find collective solutions to the possible plights of the refugees who needed to escape from their home country due to violence, discrimination, poverty and so on. The first official step was the signing of the Geneva Convention. The Geneva Convention relating to the Status of Refugees as a milestone has been one of the significant conventions which Turkey also became a part of with the inclusion of a reservation the geographical limitations. The geographical limitations retained by Turkey under the 1951 Geneva Convention means that refugee status can only be given to the ones who are fleeing from Europe to Turkey. According to Article 61, Law on Foreigners and International Protection, a refugee in Turkey is defined as: “A person who as a result of events occurring in European countries and owing to well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion, is outside the country of his citizenship and is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to avail himself or herself to the protection of that country; or who, not having a nationality and being outside the country of his former residence as a result of such events, is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to return to it, shall be granted refugee status upon completion of the refugee status determination process” (DGMM, 2014). In general, the convention clarified a number of conditions and status for the rules of international protection regarding refugees. Turkey also became a part of the 1967 Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees which has included additional chapters to the 1951 Geneva Convention. The very short summary of these convention and protocol is to ensure that refugees are given the same rights as European citizens. Migration from Turkey to Europe in the 1960s and 1970s transformed the country into a country of emigration. During that time period, Turkey sent its citizens to several European countries such as Germany, the Netherlands and Belgium under bilateral agreements, which are generally known as “guest worker” programs. This type of 1.2. Turkey and Migratory Movements 15 migration also created other migration flows in the following years mostly under family reunifications. During the 1980s, political refugees from Turkey joined the picture of emigration as they also moved to European countries. When it comes to late 1990s and the beginning of the millennium, under the atmosphere of a transformed international system after the end of the Cold War period, Turkey became one of the transit countries for the irregular migrants and refugees towards the European Union. Those people who were moving to Europe mostly departed from Asian, African and Middle Eastern countries such as Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Egypt, Ghana, Iraq, Iran, Morocco, and Pakistan where people could not live a decent life due to poverty, political and social conflicts (İçduygu, 2000: 358; İçduygu, 2011: 4). Turkey has not only been a transit country in this manner, but it has also been a destination for irregular migrants and refugees from the former members of the Soviet Bloc, Africa and the countries given above. It has been emphasized that while European countries have been attractive places for immigrants and refugees because of their geographical proximity and opportunity for better life standards, countries like Turkey, which have borders with European countries, have become both target and transit countries and are faced with political, economic and social reflections of irregular migration (İçduygu, 2015). Turkey witnessed a series of migrations from different regions during the 20th century. It has been indicated that more than 1.6 million people moved to Turkey between the years of 1923 and 1997 (Kirişçi, 2003). Also, many asylum seekers escaped from Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union during the Cold War period. Most of them were treated through resettlement programs by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). Moreover, when it came to the late 1980s, many refugees escaping from Iran and Iraq to Turkey were regarded as asylum seekers. Approximately half a million refugees, mostly Kurdish from Iraq in 1988 and 1991, flew to Turkey. Mass influxes from the Balkans as Albanians, Bosnian Muslims, Pomaks (Bulgarianspeaking Muslims), and Turks in 1989, 1992–1995, and 1999 moved to Turkey as well (Kirişçi, 2003). In the evolution of Turkish politics concerning asylum and refugee policies, the pressure rooted in an influx Chapter 1 Syrian Refugees, Turkey and the International System 16 from Iraq to Turkey at the beginning of the 1990s caused changes in the official regulation for asylum seekers and refugees (Şimşek, 2017). In 1994, Bylaw on the Procedures and the Principles Related to Mass Influx and Foreigners Arriving in Turkey either as Individuals or in Groups Wishing to Seek Asylum from a Third Country was adopted (Karadağ, 2012). Finally, Turkey’s EU Accession process and relations with the European Union can also be considered as another important and critical background for the evolution of Turkey’s history in migration flows and the development of migration management in Turkey. Therefore, analyzing the emigration and the immigration history of Turkey without the perspective of Turkey-EU relations in the second half of the century will be an inadequate interpretation. The harmonization process of Turkey in accordance with the EU accession process also influenced the development of migration policies, which were formulated by the Turkish government. In addition to the dynamics of global politics and globalization, the development of policies and regulations on migration, in particular, after the 2000s can be assessed by the influence of Europeanization (EU-ization). For instance, the Law on Foreigners and International Protection which was entered into effect in 2014 should be considered both as a result of the Europeanization period and regional issues in the recent epoch. According to Soykan (2012), this change in legislation has been a significant step towards achieving two main goals of Turkish politics regarding migration policies being in accordance with the Europeanization (Soykan, 2012: 38). While the axis of migration policies in Turkey was evolving within the track of Europeanization process in the 2000s, one of the most devastating international events occurred in its neighboring country Syria, brought about not only by huge number of losses but also a massive influx. Due to adjacent features of the countries and the long length of the Turkey-Syria border (991 km), Turkey has become one of the countries which have been faced with this massive influx. Syrian refugees have been moving to Turkey since 2011 and their numbers sharply increased after 2013 by the prolongation of the conflict. In 2017, the number of Syrian refugees in Turkey was reported as more than 3 million (European Commission, 2017). During this period (2011–2017), 1.2. Turkey and Migratory Movements 17 new official regulations were formulated and implemented by Turkish authorities to respond to the urgent need of protection for the increasing numbers of Syrian people in Turkey. The Turkish government preferred to call Syrians in Turkey “guests” during the first years of the conflict. But it was a vague term within the international protection regime. The prolongation of the conflict, the involvement of media, academia and civil society organizations and also the obvious need for sophisticated policies by the permanency of the Syrians, caused several steps such as the Law on Foreigners and International Protection and introduction of Temporary Protection Regime for Syrians in Turkey to be taken after 2013. In light of this background, the next section will give insight into the Syrian civil war, Syrian refugees and their stay in Turkey. Syrian Civil War, Refugees and Turkey It is crucial to visualize Syrian society before giving a narrative of the Syrian civil war. Syrian society has citizens from different ethno-religious and cultural backgrounds. These backgrounds can be simply listed as Sunni-Arabs, Alawites, a Shiite offshoot, Christians, Druze, and prominently Kurds and Armenians as ethnic minorities (Carpenter, 2013). The country had cosmopolitan characteristics of Syria at the beginning of the 20th century by including diverse groups in its society such as Arabs, Armenians, Assyrians, Catholic Greeks, Chaldeans, Circassians, Jews, Kurds, Latin Catholics, Maronites, Muslim Turks, Orthodox Greeks, Protestants, and Turkmens (Kaya, 2017). However, pan-Arabism left its mark on the 20th century in Syria. Furthermore, pan-Arabism evolved into the nationalist “socialist” rule which represents the ideology of the Baath regime. The regime has also carried the feature of secularism. The evolvement of the state ideology and Baath regime with overriding usage of the state apparatus in Syria have kept the leaders of the party in power for a long time. The Syrian Arab Republic has been one of the countries located in the Middle East neighboring Iraq, Israel, Jordan, Lebanon and Turkey. Concerning the features of geo-strategy and geopolitics, the country has always had strategic importance for regional and international af- 1.3. Chapter 1 Syrian Refugees, Turkey and the International System 18 fairs which not surprisingly influenced the internal affairs of Syria. During the Cold War, Syria was acted in the foreign policy arena in accordance with the actions of the USSR, which was one of the major sides in the Cold War. For approximately half a century, the Assad family has been ruling the country with the support of a part of society which has been based on different backgrounds of ethno-religious identities. Hafez Al-Assad, who was the predecessor and the father of Bashar Al-Assad, ruled the country between 1971 and 2000. The family has been controlling power with an authoritarian regime which has been called the Ba’ath regime. The regime has been controlling the public sphere by using different methods such as inclusion of the education system. The Syrian war looks like a complicated puzzle which has been comprised of the tentacles of local, regional and international powers on paper and the ground. Moreover, due to the vast number of actors in the conflicts and the war, cross-cutting interests and alliances would perplex the audience both inside and outside of the war. That’s why, hundreds of small details within the incidents need to be investigated by scholars and experts and be touched upon by storytellers and historians in texts and their verbal statements. However, in this part, the narrative of the Syrian war will be drawn by the author with the general lines and actors of the events in order to lay the groundwork for the Syrian refugees’ flow and their life in host countries. The presence of the “Arab Spring” social movements which started and spread from Tunisia in 2011 and opened the road for the revolts against the authoritarian regimes in the Middle East – North African (MENA) region as a recent historical phenomenon, also triggered the insurrection against the Syrian President, Bashar al-Assad in Syria (Bhardwaj, 2012). When Bashar al-Assad broke his promise on postponed reforms in accordance with the demands of particular segments of society, the prolonged strained atmosphere in the society turned into an insurrection. Accumulated anger and frustration in the society overlapped with the spill-over effects of the “Arab Spring” social movements at that time. Dissident uprisings in the beginning (March, 2011) evolved into the bloodiest war in recent history which caused some of the biggest humanitarian devastation and increased sectarian hostili- 1.3. Syrian Civil War, Refugees and Turkey 19 ties (Zorlu, 2015). Over the years, the conflicts descended into a fullscale war in Syria (BBC, 2016). Jenkins (2014) explains the positions of the hostiles in the Syrian civil war which consist of Assad’s Forces with the support of foreign actors and Hezbollah, the Opposition Forces with the inclusion of The Free Syrian Army, other rebel organizations, jihadists, the Kurds, and foreign support (Jenkins, 2014: 5–11). As explained above, the war did not only continue with the participation of local powers but also foreign powers engaged in the war with a variety of particular interests. That’s why, the conflicts also turned into a full-scale proxy war in Syria. In addition to that, the rise of the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) in a large area of the power vacuum and prolonged conflicts and fights in Syria brought about the worst humanitarian losses for first time since the WW2. Many people in Syria became victims of internal displacement and became refugees around the world. Syrians were not likely to go to Turkey as being a part of migratory movements before 2011. Between 1995 and 2013, asylum applications from Syrian people did not surpass a thousand while others in the region such as people from Iran and Iraq made their applications for asylum more than 20,000 times (Kirişçi, 2014). The departures from Syria to Turkey before the political crisis and Syrian civil war were mostly due to commercial relations, family ties and touristic travel. The bloody and brutal war in Syria started with conflicts in 2011 which reshaped forced migration history in both the country and the world. With the rising tension of the conflicts, Syrians started both their internal and external flows. According to numbers given by the UNHCR, more than 5 million people had to escape from Syria to seek refuge in various countries and 6.3 million people in Syria became internally displaced persons (UNHCR, 2001–2017c). The first group of refugees escaped from Syria to neighboring countries, mostly Turkey, Lebanon, Jordan, Iraq, and Egypt. Since the conflicts turned into a war, Turkey has become the country hosting the largest refugee population. As it was updated in 2017, Turkey has been leading the countries regarding refugee reception as having 3,079,914 registered Syrian refugees (UNHCR, 2017a). On the other hand, a part of the refugee population did not only enter the country but also made their way to Europe. That’s why, Turkey has been designated as both an Chapter 1 Syrian Refugees, Turkey and the International System 20 arrival and transit country at the same time. According to the numbers given by the International Organization for Migration (IOM), 1.5 million migrants and refugees reached Europe within the last 2 years, and more than 8 thousand people died on the way to Europe (IOM, 2017b). Although a large number of Afghan, Iraqi and Somalian refugees were part of the deaths on the way to Europe, Syrian refugees were representing most of these people. Initially, the presence of a small number of refugees from Syria did not resonate with the public in Turkey. The government’s discourse and foreign policy was to focus on toppling the Syrian president in a short period. That’s why, most people and the government itself expected that a small number of Syrian people in Turkey at that time would be going back to their country in accordance with the envisaged results of the Syrian war. However, it did not happen as was predicted. The Syrian war expanded to almost the whole Syrian land with its atrocity. Also, ISIS was able to fill the power void in some parts of Syria and Iraq. These events brought about massive influxes to the neighboring countries of Syria, particularly Turkey and Jordan. In the beginning (May, 2011), responsibility for the management of issues related to Syrians was assigned to the Disaster and Emergency Management Presidency (AFAD) which has been a part of the Republic of Turkey Prime Ministry. For a certain period, AFAD took control of the refugees’ settlement and management of humanitarian assistance for Syrian refugees. When it came to 2014, the estimated number of Syrians in Turkey was about 900,000. Only a few of them were taken to refugee camps. Most of them were living in urban and suburban areas without special protection. Between 2011 and 2014, the rapid increase of refugees caused authorities to formulate new policies. In 2014, while the establishment of the Directorate General of Migration Management (DGMM) under the Prime Ministry had been demonstrating the upgrade in migration management, DGMM took governance of migration management from AFAD in order to develop policies and contribute to the efforts for the cooperation on the ground (Kirişçi, 2015). The Law on Foreigners and International Protection, Article 103 – (1) says: “The Directorate General for Migration Management has been established under the Ministry of Interior with a view to implement policies and strategies related to migration; ensure 1.3. Syrian Civil War, Refugees and Turkey 21 coordination between the related agencies and organizations in these matters; carry out the tasks and procedures related to foreigners’ entry into, stay in, exit and removal from Turkey, international protection, temporary protection and protection of victims of human trafficking” (DGMM, 2015). On the other hand, in 2014, as the former UNHCR officer and Vice Chairman of Asylum and Migration Research Center, Metin Çorabatır stated: “Neither the Turkish government, nor the international agencies were ready to deal with the problem of “urban refugees” in Turkey, and they still have no strategy on the issue” (Hürriyet Daily News, 2014). From 2014 to 2016, the number of Syrian refugees, again, rapidly increased and reached about 2.8 million in Turkey. Most of the refugee population kept living in urban places. According to Erdoğan (2015), due to the impact of ISIS’ atrocities on the people in Syria since 2014, not only “Sunni Arabs” who were regarded as escapees from Assad’s oppression but also Kurds, Nusayris, Ezidis and other groups in Syria became a part of the refugee flow (Erdoğan, 2015: 317). Until 2014, Syrian people in Turkey were called “Syrian guests” in accordance with the discourse of the Turkish government on these people. Later, prolonging conflicts in the Syrian war made the picture an indispensable reality for international actors and the Turkish government. In 2014, it was declared by the Turkish government that Syrian people in Turkey were going to be protected under the Temporary Protection (TP) regime. According to the DGMM, TP has been assuring three fundamental elements such as open border policy and admission to the territory, non-refoulement principle, and providing basic and emergency aid to the comers (DGMM, 2015). The temporary protection regime only assured the identity cards with the registration and several significant services to Syrian refugees on paper. Particularly, legal framework in TP regime for Syrian refugees in Turkey provides access to health services, education, social support, and labor market has in TP regime regardless of being urban or camp refugees (UNHCR, 2015). Although it guarantees several rights to refugees and helps people to overcome their bureaucratic challenges compared to the past, the protracted temporary regimes have the possibility of leading to a limbo situation for refugees due to a lack of rightbased policy implications (Yıldız & Uzgören, 2016). Accordingly, since Chapter 1 Syrian Refugees, Turkey and the International System 22 2014, there has not been any sign of peace in Syria and the refugees from Syria are still facing a number of problems in the society, particularly the ones living in urban places. The growing number of Syrian refugees, the persistence of the conflict in Syria, the dispersed population of Syrian refugees throughout the whole country and urban places, and the lack of international assistance were some of the challenges for the Turkish government to deal with when looking at the rising problems of Syrian refugees and the host society. Without a planned strategy for gradual integration policies, it has been anticipated by numerous scholars and researchers in the chapters of policy recommendations that there would be growing numbers of problems in the society regarding the relations between Syrian refugees and local communities. Kirişçi (2015) indicates that while the tolerance towards the Syrians in the community has been decreasing, the behavior of the local communities towards the Syrian refugees has also changed in a negative way (Kirişçi, 2015: 310). That’s why, it has been very important to formulate a comprehensive policy for the integration of Syrian refugees into local communities. However, there have been regular calls for the international community to tend to the needs of Syrian refugees in Turkey. The UNHCR has been the main international actor operating the registrations for international protection and resettlement in a 3rd country with the additional responsibility of reporting on the circumstances of Syrian refugees in Turkey. As a result, the growing numbers of Syrian refugees in Turkey means a growing number of people who intend to move to Europe. The rise of this trend has brought about strict border controls and immobility for Syrian refugees. That’s why, the EU was eager to have a deal with Turkey and to give Turkey some incentives in order to prevent the flows into Europe. The EU and Turkey made a controversial agreement in 2016 to prevent the irregular flow of Syrian refugees into the European Union. The content of the deal simply consists of mutual exchanges of refugees (one for one), strict border controls, monetary assistance to Turkey, renewed accession talks and a visa liberalization process for the citizens of Turkey. Even though the agreement has been praised in the reports of the European Commission as it has been believed to decrease irregular flows, human rights associations keep criticizing the agreement due to several reasons such as 1.3. Syrian Civil War, Refugees and Turkey 23 ongoing deaths at sea and consideration of the state’s security rather than human security (European Commission, 2017; Schultz, 2017; Şimşek, 2017: 23). Current circumstances of Syrian refugees in Turkey, which create a limbo for many Syrians in TP, have proved several arguments related to that the controversial EU-Turkey agreement has become a human rights violation (Amnesty International, 2016; Şimşek, 2017). In conclusion, states have still been the most prominent actors in respect to migration and refugees. Nevertheless, the international system established after WW2 has also been creating a space for non-state actors in international migratory regimes. However, the international system regarding migratory movements has faced various failures at many points. The migratory movements of Syrian refugees could be the most prominent example of these failures. In this case, the international community has failed at having equal responsibility and sharing the burden fairly. Concerning this situation, particular states and nonstate actors in these states mostly failed to engage with the Syrian refugees without adequate international assistance. Turkey has relatively played an active role in respect to the management of the Syrians’ migratory movements and settlements. Regarding the Syrian refugees’ stay in Turkey, transition from the temporary to permanent circumstance has transformed state and non-state actors’ actions in the field from emergency aid to efforts for integration. In this context, the role of non-state actors within the local integration of Syrian refugees in the case of a city in Turkey will be discussed without excluding the state perspective in the rest of the thesis. Chapter 1 Syrian Refugees, Turkey and the International System 24 Theoretical and Conceptual Debates on Local Integration and Integration of Refugees In this chapter, the nexus between migration and integration will be discussed from the perspective of theoretical and conceptual debates. Specifically, integration of refugees and local integration will be theoretically examined, too. The conceptual frameworks, which will be explained and discussed in this chapter, will be employed to explain the results of the field research for the case of Syrians in Mersin, Turkey through the perspective of local integration within the following chapters. Also, elucidation of the concepts related to the migration and the integration of refugees is likely to illuminate the path towards the process of integration. At the end of the chapter, examples of good practices from several countries which relatively achieved to implement the management of refugee integration will be presented. Migration: Concept and Theories Migration can be simply defined as the movement of individuals or masses from one place to another one. However, the motivation, the reasons for movement, the method of departures and arrivals, the extent, process, direction, spatiality, the impact and the outcomes of the migration are highly diversified. That’s why migration has always been regarded as a multifaceted phenomenon in the nexus of different disciplines and approaches. It has been stressed that migration is not only an act of moving but it also contains a new experience of life which needs to be investigated concerning the dynamics of economy, social interactions, and law (Künbetoğlu, 2012: 49). Chapter 2 2.1. 25 Furthermore, the concepts embedded in migration literature vary considerably. The evolution of the concepts has been mostly managed by the agreements of the international migration and refugee regime. Also, the systemic features of the last two centuries world politics which has highly depended on the nation-state dominancy rendered the features of the concepts. For instance, the presence of nation-states entailed the occurrence of the division as internal and international migration. As a result, before discussing the major aspects and components of integration, the prominent concepts of migration will be presented. Immigration and emigration are two main concepts of international migration. While the former represents the motivation of settling in another country, the latter refers to the desire of leaving a country for a particular reason. As having short definitions given by the IOM, it is stated that while immigration is symbolizing “a process by which nonnationals move into a country for the purpose of settlement”, emigration points out “the act of departing or exiting from one State with a view to settling in another” (IOM, 2011: 32–49). Another related concept with refugee flows and other contemporary human movements is “forced migration”. It simply represents the idea that a reason or more than one factor cause people to move to another place without an individual willingness but due to external factors. According to the IOM, forced migration is defined as: “a migratory movement in which an element of coercion exists, including threats to life and livelihood, whether arising from natural or man-made causes” (IOM, 2011: 39). As indicated in the definition, the precipitating factor for forced migration can be an external factor such as a natural disaster or a war. When one examines the Syrian civil war and the flow of Syrian refugees, the type of migration can be defined as a forced migration. Syrian refugees carried out their flows both inside and outside of Syria by becoming internally and externally displaced people. Internal Displacement is also a very frequently referred to term in migration flows and it represents a dimension of forced migration which forcefully drags the people within the territory of their home country. Syrian refugees also became the latest example of internally displaced people due to the full-scale war in Syria. Currently, 6.3 million people in Syria are regarded as internally displaced persons Chapter 2 Theoretical and Conceptual Debates on Local Integration and Integration of Refugees 26 (UNHCR, 2017a). According to the IOM, an Internally Displaced Person is defined as: “Persons or groups of persons who have been forced or obliged to flee or to leave their homes or places of habitual residence, in particular as a result of or in order to avoid the effects of armed conflict, situations of generalized violence, violations of human rights or natural or human-made disasters, and who have not crossed an internationally recognized State border” (IOM, 2011: 52). While discussing the terminology of migration, probably “asylum seeker” and “refugee” can be considered two of the most highly debated terms. Asylum seeker is defined as “A person whose request or application for asylum has not been finally decided on by a prospective country of refuge” (IOM, 2004). A person keeps having the status of asylum seeker until acquiring the status of refugee in a country or is resettled in a third country as a refugee under international protection. One of the significant achievements of the international migration regime is determining the refugee status for people who are in need of protection because of displacement and forced migration. A refugee must face these circumstances in a home country to be protected under the status of being a refugee: “ -Well-founded fear of persecution for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group, or political opinion), -is outside the country of his nationality -is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to avail himself of the protection of that country, -not having a nationality and being outside the country of his former habitual residence as a result of such events, -is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to return to it” (UNHCR, 2011). Finally, diaspora is another term related to migration which explains the circumstances that a resettled community in another country mainly due to forced migration sustains relations with their country of origin by being aware of and engaging with political and social issues at homeland in spite of the distances between the countries (IOM, 2004). When the flows of Syrian refugees are taken into account, the occurrence of a new Syrian Diaspora seems to be inevitable in the long term. Turkey, which has been hosting more than 3 million refugees from Syria since 2017, looks like one of the countries that are going to be a place for Syrian Diaspora due to the prolonged war and the people’s settlement. In addition to that, there have been plenty of 2.1. Migration: Concept and Theories 27 other concepts regarding migration such as assisted voluntary return, border management, brain drain, brain gain, circular migration, irregular migration, labor migration, migration management, push-pull factors, receiving country, repatriation, stateless person and so on (IOM, 2017c). Before discussing migration theories, it must be underlined that the terminology of migration is a vital issue in respect to refugees and their rights. The attitudes and perceptions of individuals are highly influenced by the meanings of the concepts regarding migration terminology (Çorabatır, 2015). That’s why, by this concern, the section was aimed to introduce various concepts in migration terminology which would make the position of refugees within the international migration regime more clear. In addition to the major concepts and terms, there are also specific international migration theories which try to explain the movement of people by different aspects of the migration phenomenon and which are worth briefly mentioning here as to present a general picture. It must be noted that international migration theories cannot explain the events with a single theory (King, 2012) but they consist of various approaches, which are synthesized within interdisciplinary points of view. The aim here is to introduce prominent international migration theories. One of these theories is the neoclassical economics and push-pull theory. According to Kaya (2017), the theory which is based on the 19th century, suggested that international migration is mainly carried out from poor countries to wealthy ones (Kaya, 2017: 50). Also, it has been claimed that while the reasons for migration are mostly because of economic conditions, individuals are rationally making their decisions for this type of migration (Faist, 2000; King, 2012). Another one, migration, transitions and development -called by King (2012), has its origin in Zelinsky’s (1971) ‘hypothesis of mobility transition’ (King, 2012). Rather than economic concerns, the theory focuses on modernization processes and structural transitions as the roots of migratory movements. Furthermore, a prominent model of the historical-structural migration theory can be given as the world system theory which is also one of the distinctive theories of International Relations. The founder of this theory is Immanuel Wallerstein (1974). According to Viotti & Chapter 2 Theoretical and Conceptual Debates on Local Integration and Integration of Refugees 28 Kauppi (2012), the evolution of capitalism must be comprehended in order to analyze the political, social and economic relations at the global level (Viotti & Kauppi, 2012: 197). Concerning international migration, the theory asserts that due to the nature of the global capitalism, inevitable migratory movements from developing or least developed countries to developed capitalist countries have been observed historically (Kaya, 2017). Rather than the ethnic and sectarian conflicts in the homelands, this theory point outs the economic impacts on migrants’ decisions due to poverty and the search for better conditions. However, one may even claim that the hidden factors under the conflicts are also because of unjust economic share which has been influenced by the dynamics of global capitalism. Another prominent theory for international migration is transnational spaces theory which is highly related to the outcomes of the globalization process and technological developments in communication and transportation. According to the approaches of this theory, the activities of international migrants have been spatially taken into account as a focal point which points out the importance of transnational spaces (Faist, 1998; Collyer & King, 2012). It was claimed that there has been a constructed transnational space which preserve multiple languages, beliefs, cultures and life styles beyond and among the countries (Kaya, 2017). Last but not least, the theory of social networks takes its place in the international migration theories. According to Van Hear (2004), not only the economic/financial capital, but also the social and cultural capitals determine the possessions of the immigrants and refugees whose routes and final destinations are rendered by the equal combination of the dynamics of these capitals (Van Hear, 2004: 6). The theory tries to reveal how the social and cultural ties preponderantly influence the migratory movements which mostly end with the reunion of the family members/relatives and friends. Social capital can be interpreted as a determining factor for a type of migration in accordance with the theory of social networks. Important to note that this research does not mainly focus on migration theories of the causes and processes of leaving a place as it does not intend to explain in details the migratory movement of this specific case. Thereby, migration theories have been given in order to present 2.1. Migration: Concept and Theories 29 a general perspective. Rather, the research focuses on the refugee integration by dealing with the integration parameters and discussing the role of non-state actors in the process of refugee integration. Accordingly, the next section will be looking at the integration as an inclusive concept. Integration Integration is a broad concept which has been perceived in a number of different ways concerning the related actors in the field of migration. According to Castles et al. (2002), integration can be observed at each level and each segment of society. That’s why, it is not surprising to encounter the involvement of various figures on the ground such as “public officials, political decision-makers, employers, trade union officials, fellow-workers, service providers, neighbors and so on” while discussing the integration aspect of migration (Castles et al., 2002: 113). IOM has also been confirmed the openness of the integration to different interpretations and it defines “migrant integration” as “the process of mutual adaptation between host society and migrant” (IOM, 2017d). Furthermore, the integration is basically related to the issue of migrants and refugees’ settlement in a host society. However, it remains one of the most complex matters for not only the policy makers and the scholars but also the media and the public opinion. Additionally, it has been stressed that integration as a concept has not been carrying easy and unified understanding and definition for many who attribute different meanings and explanations to the concept (Ager & Strang, 2008; Robinson, 1998). It is also likely to observe various types of implementation on the ground concerning the integration works. Unutulmaz (2016) puts forward that although the occurrences of the concept were mainly influenced by the common experiences of the European countries in past, different countries have had a number of peculiar experiences and implementation on their own way towards the diversified meanings of the integration (Unutulmaz, 2016: 136). The author also claims that there have been various discourses and policies by different countries concerning the management of the integration 2.2. Chapter 2 Theoretical and Conceptual Debates on Local Integration and Integration of Refugees 30 process (Unutulmaz, 2016: 135). Moreover, integration works and the concept itself have been one of common interests for different disciplines such as anthropology, demography, urban and cultural studies, sociology, social work, psychology, social psychology, law, geography, economics, and politics (Valtonen, 2008: 59). In addition to that, when it comes to the matter of integration, the alternative and complementary concepts related to the integration need to be taken into account without hesitation. However, likewise the concept of integration, these terms have been perceived in diversified ways through the eyes of different actors due to various interests and perceptions. That’s why, one cannot suggest certain explanations for these concepts which could not match with a result of the stakeholders’ consensus. In the literature of different disciplines, nominative approaches to these concepts are likely to be carried out. As a result, to have a better understanding of the integration, there is always a need for conceptual debates on these alternative concepts. Even sometimes, due to nuances among the concepts, it is also possible to observe similar practices in the field of integration regarding the migration. Also, the difference between refugee integration and immigrant integration will be underlined here. First of all, the difference among these concepts mostly originated in the diversified needs of refugees and immigrants. In addition to that, the diversification of the needs rooted in their different motivations to leave the home country. While the refugees mostly escape the home country due to the reasons for forced migration, the immigrants who could be considered as economic and family linked migrants are generally in search of better life standards. Thereby, the responses of how integration works for these groups differ. According to the UNHCR, refugee integration, which legally finds its roots in the 1951 Refugee Convention, is considered as the most durable solution to the plights of the refugees under the international protection regime (UNHCR, 2013: 11). It starts with covering the basic needs of refugees and ends with the process of integration where there is no possibility for voluntary repatriation. On the other side, the integration of immigrants differs from the refugee integration as they do not mostly require the first step of integration which is designed to cover the very basic needs of the refugees. According to the Migration 2.2. Integration 31 Policy Institute (MPI), embracement of immigrants in the society in respect to the economic mobilization and social inclusion defines the immigrant integration (MPI, 2017). Considering the subjectivity of integration, the UNHCR indicated that there has been lack of a certain definition for the integration (UNHCR, 2013: 13). Thereby, it would be important to examine the models of integration and reveal several practices which were already implemented. Models of Integration The ways which states adopt and practice to integrate immigrants and refugees can vary due to several explicit and implicit reasons such as history, cultural preferences, understanding on nation-state and public opinion. These various ways of integration can be simply listed as different models such as accommodation, acculturation, adaptation, assimilation, inclusion, multiculturalism and social cohesion. One of the most prominent examples among these models is assimilation. According to the interpretation of Park and Burgess (1921/24) given by Valtonen (2008), the classical form of assimilation means that “a process of interpenetration and fusion in which persons and groups can acquire the memories, sentiments and attitudes of other persons and groups, and, in the process of sharing their experience and history, are incorporated with them in a common cultural life” (Valtonen, 2008: 65–66). On the other hand, assimilation refers to the ‘melting pot’ rather than the integration (Ramakrishnan & Balgopal, 1995). For instance, the policy for the refugees and immigrants coming to the US has been considered as a melting pot which gained public consent more than a century ago (Brown & Bean, 2006). Recently, German chancellor, Angela Merkel was criticized for gravitating to the assimilation policies rather than multiculturalism as an integration model (Modood, 2015). Accordingly, the evolution of the integration works throughout the 20th century and at the beginning of the 21st century, particularly in Europe, turned assimilation into a politically incorrect concept. 2.3. Chapter 2 Theoretical and Conceptual Debates on Local Integration and Integration of Refugees 32 Acculturation is another concept whose usage has also faced critiques concerning a new population in a host society. According to Aretakis (2011), there is a nuance between the acculturation and the assimilation that individuals choose to give up their own culture to be a part of the dominant culture in the society when it comes to the former. On the other hand, the latter is designed to be generally conducted without the consent of a particular population (Aretakis, 2011: 6– 7). However, from a different perspective, acculturation has been interpreted as an exchange of culture among different groups and communities they encounter in a society regardless of the negative and positive results of these exchanges (Berry, 1997). The qualitative features of the cultures and the quantitative features of the communities may be determinant factors for the dominancy in the society. However, one cannot deny the interactions among the cultures during the period of acculturation. It may come up with different results in the long term. Concerning the key elements in the acculturation process, acculturation among the Bosnian refugees and several communities in Australia was examined through the aspects such as “skills, language, and ruralurban background” in one of the researches in Australia (Colic-Peisker & Walker, 2003: 339). Multiculturalism has been one of the prominent notions which take a part within the conceptual debates related to the post-migration periods and integration. The term itself has become concrete with the co-existence of multiple ethnicities, cultures, customs, traditions, beliefs and life-styles of various individuals and communities in a same society but the sustainable presence of the peaceful nature of this coexistence sometimes needs to be managed by local and state policies. According to Kymlicka (2012), if a state, civil society and the individuals reach a better solution of the multiculturalism for the immigrants, asylum seekers and the host society, the main dynamics such as de-securitization of ethnic relations, respect for human rights, easing the people’s concerns regarding the border control, diversity of immigrant groups and just economic contribution, must be taken into account since the beginning of social relations among different people (Kymlicka, 2012: 2). In addition to that, Vasta (2007) claims the main principles of multiculturalism as the mutual accommodation, multiculturalism that embraces the whole society, equality and full participation, 2.3. Models of Integration 33 and racism as a destructive element (Vasta, 2007: 25–30). Canada is known as one of the countries which has successfully conducted multiculturalism. According to a recent poll, two-thirds of the population in Canada perceive multiculturalism as one of the most significant elements in Canadian politics (Tepperman, 2017). In addition to Canada, Australia and Sweden in particular circumstances, were distinctively reported as two countries of implementing multiculturalism for their culturally and ethnically diversified populations (Díaz, 2005: 2). Adaptation, a relatively more universal term than the other terms, is another concept for migration and integration studies. However, apart from the physical and environmental changes, there have been social changes which have the possibility to entail the discussions of negative and positive aspects. According to Berry (1997), adaptation simply means: “…the changes that take place in individuals or groups in response to environmental demands” (Berry, 1997: 13). Environmental demands must include both physical and social circumstances in a particular society and geography. While Berry also considers the close relations between acculturation and adaptation, he reveals the prominent dimensions of adaptation as psychological, socio-cultural, and economic (Berry, 1997: 6). Accordingly, one of the researches on Bosnia refugees in New York-the US, the successful circumstance of Bosnia refugees for adaptation to the local community were underlined in respect to the distinctive elements of the adaptations mentioned above such as psychological, socio-cultural, and economic (Owens-Manley & Coughlan, 2002: 2). Inclusion/insertion/incorporation, social cohesion, and accommodation are other concepts which have been debated among decision makers and scholars in order to prepare a better ground to the relations between the newcomers and local people in the society during the integration process. Each concept, likewise the others, is vague to be certainly defined and explained (Vasta, 2007). One may encounter various implementations and the results from the practices of these concepts. For instance, according to Fermin and Kjellstrand (2005), social cohesion is not only bridging the gap between the individuals and communities but also it adds positive aspects to the social capital of the humans (Fermin & Kjellstrand, 2005: 6). By looking at this interpretation, it can be understood that the span of the explanation of Chapter 2 Theoretical and Conceptual Debates on Local Integration and Integration of Refugees 34 social cohesion may come up with a number of strategies and implementations. On the contrary, an attempt to create cohesion in a society with certain policies may end up with the abuse of human rights. Apart from the concepts related to integration, it would also be necessary to review the fundamental dynamics of the integration process. For this purpose, Ager and Strang’s (2008) Understanding Integration: A Conceptual Framework could be one of the guides for the researcher to comprehend the parameters of the integration. According to Ager and Strang (2008), ten key domains have been determined to assess the integration. These ten key domains were grouped under four main chapters as means and markers, social connections, facilitators and foundation (Ager & Strang, 2008: 170). Each dimension includes specific domains which help the researcher to analyze the integration process in order. Employment, housing, education and health constitute the first step of the integration process as a part of means and markers. Social connections are comprised of social bridges, social bonds and social links. Furthermore, while the facilitators are language & cultural knowledge and safety & stability, the foundation part covers the rights & citizenship (p. 3). The model (Figure 2) was taken from Ager and Strand (2008) who are the formulators of this guidance (Ager & Strand, 2008: 170). A Conceptual Framework Defining Core Domains of Integration Source: Alastair Ager & Alison Strang (2008). Understanding Integration: A Conceptual Framework, p. 170. Figure 2. 2.3. Models of Integration 35 The issues of employment, housing, education and health with sustainable nutrition are key elements of the refugees and immigrants’ survival in a new environment of the host society and unknown geography. These fundamental elements are not only significant necessities for their survival but also they are the constituents of a successful integration process (Ager & Strang, 2004). Each of these elements must be well-designed with the formulation of public policies and the cooperation among various actors on the ground. Otherwise, even a failure in one of these elements would interrupt the process of integration. Although the markers and means is the fundamental dimension of successful integration, the satisfaction of these four elements is not the ultimate outcome of the integration process in which local people and refugees/immigrants need to feel comfortable for their joint life in the society. That’s why, the second step reveals the importance of social life dynamics within the integration process. For a successful integration regarding the social aspects, IOM (2017) asserts a key component of the process “social inclusion of migrants and marginalized groups, including increased access of migrants to public services” (IOM, 2017d). The next one is the facilitators. Facilitators mostly represent the capacity of refugees and local people concerning their ability to learn new languages and cultures. Due to the nature of integration as a two-way process, not only the capacity of the refugees but also the local people’s effort will be a facilitating factor for a smooth and successful integration. Furthermore, mutual trust between the refugees and the local people matters greatly. UNHCR particularly highlighted the importance of specific projects related to the peaceful coexistence and the mutual trust in the society among the refugees and local people in order to overcome the social problems and possible conflicts (UNHCR, 2017b: 5). In countries like Turkey and Greece where the refugee numbers are high, the projects related to the peaceful coexistence could be enhanced. The top layer of the indicator pyramid comprises the foundation. The foundation mainly represents the idea of ‘rights and citizenship’ for the refugees within the integration process (Ager & Strang, 2008). Also, the UNHCR has been presenting the presence of freedom of expression, assembly and association for the refugees in accordance with the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees (UNHCR, 2006: 165–166). Furthermore, the matters of rights and citizenship are highly contentious Chapter 2 Theoretical and Conceptual Debates on Local Integration and Integration of Refugees 36 issues in every society. Various expectations of the individuals and groups with the inclusion of responsibilities given by the social contracts, bring about the perpetual debates in the societies. When it comes to the refugees and immigrants rights and citizenship, it is one of the most difficult areas to ease the concerns of the local people and respond to the expectations of the refugees and immigrants at the same time. However, the ultimate goal of integration in the nation-state framework is to give the refugees and immigrants citizenship at the end of the process. Regarding the circumstance of the refugees, the UNHCR highlights the importance of long-term solutions which include the local integration as one of the options (UNHCR, 2001–2017d). Thus, ending the process of local integration with giving refugees citizenship, would be one of the significant indicators of a successful integration. Therefore, one must remind that, without completing each step of the integration appropriately, giving citizenship is not likely to solve the problems of the refugees and the local people concerning the needs of the refugees, the concerns of the local people and the social cohesion in the society. In another approach to the integration structure, a series of integration layers (Fig. 3) was displayed by Spencer and Charsley (2016) below (Spencer & Charsley, 2016: 4). By displaying the figure below, the authors emphasized that integration does not only contain a single dimension but also a series of steps waiting to be achieved. Integration as Two Way Processes Across Domains Source: Sarah Spencer & Katharine Charsley (2016). Conceptualising integration: a framework for empirical research, taking marriage migration as a case study, p. 4. Figure 3. 2.3. Models of Integration 37 Structural dimension of the integration domains is generally designed to respond to the basic needs of the refugees. It has been regarded “as in participation in the labor and housing market, education and training” (Spencer & Charsley, 2016: 4–5). To be able to have a sustainable income and accommodation in the host society, the involvement in the labor market is vital. Also, carrying on the educational life and getting vocational training would be accelerating factors to the involvement in the labor and housing market. More participation at the structural level would be a signal for a stronger integration. In addition to that, the social level of integration represents the idea of social interactions, relationships and marriages (Spencer & Charsley, 2016: 5). Social relation is one of the fundamental pillars of a society. Without interaction between the refugees and the local community, integration would be meaningless. It would entail a number of problems such as isolation of the refugees, misunderstandings and conflicts between the refugees and the local people at their first encounter. Closely associated with the dimension of social life, cultural factors play a significant role in the integration. The authors of the formulation above explain cultural level of the integration by stressing the notions as: “changing values, attitudes, behavior and lifestyle” (Spencer & Charsley, 2016: 5). During the process of settlement and integration, different cultures may encounter a chaotic atmosphere where institutional settings are weak regarding migration and integration. In this atmosphere, differences among lifestyles, values and attitudes would bring about a number of social problems. Also, even though there is a well-planned institutional setting on integration works, integration would not result in a better situation unless there is a respectful and tolerant understanding of attitudes and behavior. Furthermore, modern community life ideally requires each individual to be engaged in the civic life and decision-making processes. Not only local people but also the refugees must be encouraged to join in “the community life and democratic process” (Spencer & Charsley, 2016: 5). This aspect of integration is called civic and political participation (Spencer & Charsley, 2016). For instance, the Syrians’ participation in the civic life in Turkey through their own civil society organizations would be an accelerating factor for their engagement with the society. It is also crucial for refugees to be aware of written and oral rules Chapter 2 Theoretical and Conceptual Debates on Local Integration and Integration of Refugees 38 of the host country. Last but not least, is identity. During the integration process, the matters of identity have been interpreted as “the processes through which individuals develop at some level a shared identity and sense of belonging with the place, nation, communities and people among whom they live” (Entzinger, 2000; Heckmann & Schnapper, 2003; Ager & Strang, 2008; Spencer, 2011; Spencer & Charsley, 2016). While a shared identity is encouraging the refugees to be a part of the host society, it might also lead them to lose their origin of identity and sense of belonging with the place they were forced to leave. Integration of Refugees As mentioned before, integration is a broad concept which includes a variety of sub-dimensions that enlightens different strategies and methods for the inclusion of refugees and their recognition by the host society. It is a very dynamic concept in which the ideas and implementations for the integration have been gradually evolving as individuals and societies constantly do. The dynamism of the process of refugee integration has been highlighted by the UNHCR as written that: “local integration in the refugee context is a dynamic and multifaceted twoway process, which requires efforts by all parties concerned, including a preparedness on the part of refugees to adapt to the host society without having to forego their own cultural identity, and a corresponding readiness on the part of host communities and public institutions to welcome refugees and to meet the needs of a diverse population” (UNHCR Executive Committee, 2005). It has also been evaluated by different points of view which are likely to render the content and methodology of the integration process. The broadness of integration by its very nature is derived from the feature of multidimensionality. Various aspects related to humans and everyday life inevitably creates this multidimensionality of the integration concept. One may claim that a fully successful integration process cannot be achieved without the satisfaction of all integration parameters. These parameters of the individuals’ integration into a society can be simply summarized and categorized as structural, social, cultural, 2.4. 2.4. Integration of Refugees 39 civic and political participation, and identity. At this point, Moreira and Baeninger (2010) indicated that employment of refugees, access to public services for covering fundamental needs, learning local languages, civic and political participation with the inclusion of citizenship rights and socially developed relations with the local community are key factors to a successful integration (Moreira & Baeninger, 2010: 48). On the other hand, Heckmann (2006) reminds that integration does not mean a temporary protection for refugees who are granted basic rights and support (Heckman, 2006: 13). This idea would be challenging to the temporary protection regime for the Syrians in Turkey who are mostly supposed to maintain their stay in Turkey more than expected and need to encounter a certain vision of integration policies. In another perspective, Heckmann puts forward that there is a possibility of ending the integration process by refugees if they decide to move back to their country of origin (Heckmann, 2006: 13). This is also one of the contentious debates in host societies concerning the future of refugees. However, a bigger danger for the refugees is maintained in the country of origin, more they want to stay in the host society. Thus, integration seems inevitable for the ones who have the prolonged state of being a refugee. The above mentioned conceptual debates and indicated parameters are significant for this research since the findings regarding the integration of Syrian refugees in Mersin will be analyzed based on these debates and parameters. Before this analysis, the levels of integration and the role of non-state actors within these levels will be discussed. State-Level and Local Level Integration States have the ultimate authority to control their borders in accordance with nation-state sovereignty in the international system. Therefore, the authority of the states regarding nation-state sovereignty has been paving the way for state dominancy in the policy-making area in respect to migratory movements, the settlement and integration of refugees and immigrants. Accordingly, states do not only represent the immigrant-receiving countries but also the emigrant-regulating enti- 2.5. Chapter 2 Theoretical and Conceptual Debates on Local Integration and Integration of Refugees 40 ties (Massey, 1999: 303). On the other hand, there have been other arguments which emphasize the descending power of states in the realm of international migration due to several reasons such as globalization and changing patterns in world politics (Vezzoli, 2014: 4; Bhagwati, 2003; Castles, 2004; Strikwerda, 1999: 394). Nevertheless, states are powerful actors in matters of international migrations as they can control “initiating, selecting, restraining, and ending international migration movements” (Teitelbaum, 2002: 157). In addition to that, states mostly have the control of refugee settlement and integration within their borders in accordance with the issue of nation-state sovereignty. It could be seen that various sources have focused on the role of the state in the integration of refugees and immigrants (Korac, 2002; Valenta & Bunar, 2010). Refugee integration may occur at different levels. One of these is the state-level integration which demonstrates how decisions are centrally made and implemented on the area of integration. At the statelevel, the integration processes are managed and implemented by the central authority whose rules are binding for different actors within the territory of a nation-state. Only binding international laws can create a space for several actors to act without the permission and consent of the central authority in particular cases. The state-level integration also defines the process where governments make decisions and implement integration without interference from a third-party. A report prepared by The Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) asserts that: “government spending for the reception and integration of people seeking international protection varies significantly across countries” (OECD, 2017: 2). Therefore, a possible interpretation of this argument might lead us to say that central governments in the countries not only manage integration and policy making but also coordinate the budget and other resources for integration. In another perspective, states would be expected to meet their commitments to the international organizations in which they are participating. For instance, it was stated that the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) is expecting participating States to implement penetrating policies for migrant integration in the domain of sovereignty. Both the responsibility of the states within the na- 2.5. State-Level and Local Level Integration 41 tion-state territory and the commitments to the international organizations would urge the states to conduct necessary policies concerning the migration and integration. In the case of Syrian refugees, Turkey delegated the DGMM under the Prime Ministry to engage with the refugees and conduct the harmonization policies which were not regarded as both assimilation and integration by the Directorate General (DGMM, 2015). On the other hand, the International Crisis Group (ICG) revealed an example from the Syrians’ case in Turkey where even though the municipalities mostly engaged with the problems of Syrians, the central authority in Ankara has not included the municipalities in the decision-making process (ICG, 2016: 13). In another example presented by the ICG, it was indicated that the decisions on the refugee camps are centrally taken without a dialogue with the local people who have some concerns regarding the matters of identity and security in the selected areas for the refugee camps (ICG, 2016: 17). In addition to state-level integration, local integration also prevails within the area of migration and integration. Thereby, the next section will be focusing on local integration which has been perceived as one of the prominent responses to the refugee issues in international migration. Local Integration Local integration often takes place within the web of durable solutions such as voluntary repatriation, resettlement in a third country, and local integration to the plight of refugees and better response for the creation of social relations between local people and refugees. It can be simply defined as a process of providing durable conditions for the refugees and local people which comprise the assurance of legal, economic and social rights (Fielden, 2008). Especially, it is one of the prominent solutions for easing the lives of refugees when other options are not viable. The first chapter of the thesis clarified that repatriation is not likely to solve the Syrian refugees’ problems in Turkey due to the prolonged war in Syria. With respect to this, Low (2006) points out local integration as a preferred solution that: “it allows those refugees 2.6. Chapter 2 Theoretical and Conceptual Debates on Local Integration and Integration of Refugees 42 who cannot or do not wish to repatriate the possibility to enjoy the freedoms and livelihood they would have in their home countries” (Low, 2006: 65). On the other hand, Fielden (2008) touched upon the significant potential of local integration which was not adequately discovered at that time. This potential of local integration is believed to be a remedy for the plights of the refugees (Fielden, 2008). As the concept of integration is perceived through different understandings, local integration can also be referred by diversified points of view. Moreira and Baeninger (2010) present the main aspects of the local integration process as indicating that: “local integration is a complex economic, political, social and cultural process” (Moreira & Baeninger, 2010: 48). Each pillar of the local integration can be evaluated by their own dynamics but they also need to be collectively assessed with the aggregation of other dimensions for a better and analytical analysis. While the presence of various dynamics demonstrate the complex process of local integration, it is highly important to comprehend the nature of integration. On this matter, it is argued that integration is a shared process by refugees and local actors which are comprised of a number of aspects such as cultural, social, economic, religious and legal dynamics (IOM, 2008). In addition to that, for a better understanding of local integration, Sert (2014) puts forward that when the comprehensive literature on integration is taken into account, it must be remembered that integration is a mutual process where both the refugees and the host society need to be active shareholders of this process (Sert, 2014: 164). It must be highlighted that local integration would not be a meaningful and functional process without the active participation of local people. Vice versa, the presence of refugees with their willingness within integration works is considerably important for the mutual recognition. Moreover, it was claimed that the integration is a dynamic process which requires the participation of whole society (Läärä, 2012: 47). At this point, it is clearly pointed out that including refugees into the working life is not likely to be an adequate measure for the completion of successful integration. There must also be a comprehensive strategy ranging from social, legal and cultural adaptation (refugees’ awareness of both written and oral rules of a local community) to the preserva- 2.6. Local Integration 43 tion of the refugees’ own languages, beliefs and cultures. One may construct a synthesis of former and latter arguments that local integration is a highly difficult and sophisticated process which consists of various dimensions and needs of mutual active participation by the refugees and local people. As it happens in the case of Syrian refugees in Turkey, when long-term refugees need to be protected and integrated into local society, local integration seems to be a prominent response to the problems of the refugees and the local communities in spite of the difficulty and complicacy of the process. Furthermore, one may claim that the mutual participation for the local integration can be relatively easier and shorter than other integration strategies due to the scope of area and population. In addition to the scope of area and population, the participation of related actors to the local integration is a highly important matter for a functioning local integration. The role of various actors differs regarding the engagement with the refugees. Without the effective participation of authorities and non-state actors, local integration is not likely to function properly. Thus, the next chapter will be focusing on the role of nonstate actors in the integration without exclusion of the perspective of official regulations. On the other hand, while the formulations and approaches on paper to integration works seem flawless for some, the practices in the field concerning the state of being “good or bad” and “success or failure” vary considerably (European Parliament, 2013). The most difficult part is to conduct the policies related to integration and see the results as progress. On the other hand, the idea and the way of implementation of integration works may not be perceived by some in a positive way. At this point, it will be a constructive way of analysis that examining the good practices and taking into account the criticism towards integration works at the same time. Although countries still need to improve their skills and capacities to achieve a complete and successful integration, some of them are in an advanced position due to the long history of migratory movements, the reception and the integration of the new populations. Also, even though the actors and strategies considerably differ in the integration works, one of the important factors to measure the achievement is the country itself where the integration process is held. Each country has Chapter 2 Theoretical and Conceptual Debates on Local Integration and Integration of Refugees 44 its own peculiar circumstances with the changing dynamics and policies in accordance with the domestic features of politics, economy, and social life. That’s why, focusing on some countries will be helpful to understand several good practices for a better integration. Especially, countries like Sweden, Norway, Finland, Canada, and Germany, have been assessed as having long-standing experiences of refugee reception and integration with their relative successes through the Euro-centric understanding. The Swedish resettlement and integration program has been evaluated as one of the examples of the good practices in spite of some shortcomings. According to a study of European Parliament (2013), Sweden seems prepared for the integration works with the promotion of pre-arrival and post-arrival informative meetings. Also, the program for the refugees in Sweden significantly comprises financial and medical assistance, language training, labor market entry, enjoying the right to education and volunteer supports by the cooperation of municipalities, non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and churches (European Parliament, 2013: 92). Another example of good practices can be given from Canada. Specifically, Canada is known as a place of multiculturalism whose ideas and practices have been interiorized by the public and embedded in the constitution by the state (Kymlicka, 2012). Multiculturalism within the presence of the nation-based identity has worked in Canada in that the differences of the local people and the immigrant do not generate disharmony or conflicts (Kymlicka, 2012: 11–12). However, most of the newcomers have been immigrants rather than refugees. That’s why, it might be good as well to investigate whether multiculturalism has been successfully opted for the refugees who have different profiles and motivations than the immigrants. Furthermore, in the case of Germany, the cities of Hamburg and Berlin have been reported as using innovative methods on the way to the integration of the refugees in respect to economic and social integration (Katz et al., 2016). It is also important to indicate the importance of the innovation because it would help the immigrant-receiving countries to respond to the flow of the refugees with a favorable way in the recent times. In addition to that, special programs like the Gateway Protection Program has been implemented in various countries such 2.6. Local Integration 45 as Australia, Denmark, Finland, New Zealand, Norway, Sweden, the Netherlands, and the United States in order to contribute to the integration process by encouraging research on the refugees, integration, and local community (Sim & Laughlin, 2014). On the other hand, one of the prominent critiques to integration works is that with the exclusion of consultation of the refugee population, the complaints by the migrant communities would be raised towards the policy makers. At this point, it is also indicated that measuring the integration will be open to different interpretations which would not generate a unified approach due to the exclusion of refugee’s voices from the decision-making process (Fekete & Mühe, 2010; Carrera & Atger, 2011; European Parliament, 2013). In addition to that, the formulations of the academia related to the conceptual dynamics and possible practices of the integration, and the approaches and the implementation by the policy makers would not be in harmony (European Parliament, 2013). This situation could entail confusion and misunderstandings among the actors on the field, the host society and the refugees. Furthermore, another criticism is derived from the vagueness of the concepts and the similarities of some practices on the field. As was mentioned before, the concepts related to integration are variously construed. The diversified interpretations have brought about the occurrence of different reflections from the relevant actors on the ground. According to Schneider & Crul (2010), “In all Western countries which have been the destination for large-scale migration over the past decades, integration and assimilation issues are heavily debated” (Schneider & Crul, 2010: 1143). For instance, when some of the integration practices are perceived as part of an assimilation policy which has been regarded as politically incorrect in accordance with the politics of the modern era, there could be divergences among the practitioners, scholars, media, civil society and the refugee population concerning the formulation and implementation of the integration policies. The next chapter will be focusing on the role of non-state actors in the integration process by finding out which non-actors are related to the matters of refugee integration with local approaches. Chapter 2 Theoretical and Conceptual Debates on Local Integration and Integration of Refugees 46 Non-State Actors and Their Role in Integration The Concept of Non-State Actor States have been one of the prominent actors in the political system of our world as being a part of global governance. State has also been known as a main actor in International Relations for a long time since the beginning of the modern era in world politics (16th and 17th century). However, especially after the end of cold war and the rise of globalization, the non-state actors have started to play important roles in world politics as well as the states. In a way, it can be argued that transnational relations have gained much more importance with the intensive participation of non-state actors in world politics during the last three decades (Risse, 2002). Also, the evolvement of the non-state actors -as they have been transforming into the influential figures in the international system- was stressed in another account (Hall & Biersteker, 2002: 4). In other words, non-state actors have apparently had more political leverage in world politics since the beginning of this transformation. The concept (non-state actor) is needed to be comprehended with the concrete figures on the field rather than vague theoretical explanations. According to Büthe (2004), the concept is comprised of the actors such as “international governmental organizations (IOs), NGOs, multinational corporations, formal and informal transnational networks of government bureaucrats, general public (opinion), international professional associations and commercial lobbying groups, as well as international criminal and terrorist networks” (Büthe, 2004: 281). In addition to those, individuals, religious institutions and communities, trade unions, employers’ organizations, professional chambers, political parties and groups, media outlets, and other civil society actors would be included to widen the sphere of non-state actors (Pen- Chapter 3 3.1. 47 ninx, 2003). Although the exclusion of the theoretical explanations seems very assertive, it is argued in this research that the plurality of the non-state actor examples from the experiences of historical events can provide a better insight than sophisticated words. For instance, Halliday (2001) puts forward that: “…arguably Christopher Columbus was a non-state actor, as were Vasco da Gama and Martin Luther, and as were the East India Company, the Hudson Bay Company, the French revolutionaries, the nationalist movements of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries and much else besides” (Halliday, 2001: 22). On the other hand, one of the distinctive features of the non-state actors is the categorization of being profit or non-profit organizations. While the profit organizations as the non-state actors are mainly supposed to be multinational corporations (MNCs), the non-profit organizations have taken place in a wide range of the non-state actors list which includes various entities with different interests. To make it more clear, here, the list of Anheier (2005) which points out the components of the non-profit sector in the US is given as: “museums, orchestras, schools, universities, adult education organizations, research institutions, policy think-tanks, health organizations, mental health organizations, human services, humanitarian relief associations and international development organizations, human rights organizations, labor unions, professional associations, managerial associations, business organizations, consumer organizations, ethno-cultural organizations, religious organizations, social clubs, and neighborhood groups, foundations, special interest associations and advocacy groups, fraternities and sororities, individuals activities, charity and philanthropy, volunteering, civil society and social capital” (Anheier, 2005: 4–9). However, in relation to the local integration of refugees, it is not a matter of fact situation that all of these groups and organizations are directly having a part within the integration process. Only, some particular actors would play a role in the works and campaigns in accordance with their interest and expertise. Furthermore, during the last three decades, TNCs have also been passing through a process of the neo-liberal transformation -as others do- in world politics where their ability to be more authoritative is increasing in respect to the decision-making platforms. In theoretical debates, the interdependence among the different actors in the interna- Chapter 3 Non-State Actors and Their Role in Integration 48 tional system including the TNCs has been underlined (Reus-Smit, 2005: 189). Apart from the non-profit organizations, they are also part of the non-state actors with different goals and methods. Regarding the positions of the actors in global governance, it has been indicated that the increasing activities of TNCs and NGOs in the international system has challenged the state-centric approaches in global governance (The Write Pass Journal, 2012). That’s why, it is also expected to observe the increasing participation of non-state actors in dealing with migration and integration issues in spite of the maintenance of state dominancy in decision-making processes. At this point, the argument of İçduygu and Keyman (2000) supports the claim above that the two scholars indicate: “we could argue more specifically that the migration regimes of the nation-states (largely framed by the state-centric logic of the Cold War) are becoming problematic and ineffective as migration flows in a globalizing world are becoming multilayered and not easily controlled by nation-states” (İçduygu & Keyman, 2000: 383). In addition to that, the significant role of civil society organizations in hosting and accepting refugees at the local level was especially emphasized in another source (Mackreath & Sağnıç, 2017: 7). In the following sub-chapters, various non-state actors including international nongovernmental organizations, transnational corporations, civil society organizations, professional chambers, city councils, universities, business networks, religious communities and individuals which have the potential to engage with the matters of migration and local integration will be introduced. International Non-Governmental Organizations (INGOs) INGOs as the non-state actors who are locally and globally organized in order to function beyond and within the borders of nation-states, has taken a place in global governance and international politics (Christensen, 2006: 284). As it is known that the participation of the non-state actors -due to the globalization- is in a trend of climbing at policy-making levels. INGOs as one of the main figures of this trend and the non-state actors, have been interested in dealing with the international migration and integration works at local, regional, national 3.1.1. 3.1. The Concept of Non-State Actor 49 and global levels. It has been claimed that especially, non-governmental organizations cooperate with international organizations -like the UNHCR- in order to fill the void in policy implementations when the states do not adequately take responsibility (van Mierop, 2004). Importantly, to comprehend the role of the INGOs, the UNHCR pointed out their annual meetings with NGOs from different parts of the world as it creates significant space for states and non-state actors to have a dialogue and to exchange views at the same level (UNHCR, 2001–2017e). Accordingly, the feature of being “international” would provide good practices and lessons taken as part of the various and peculiar experiences from different parts of the world that can enlarge the vision of local organizations and enrich the scope of integration works. For instance, NGOs have been encouraged by the UNHCR in order to cooperate with state and non-state actors, and play a role in engaging with the child labor problem in Istanbul, Turkey (Şimşek & Çorabatır, 2016: 133). Also, apart from being a model or having a part of cooperation among different actors, INGOs would directly take responsibility and be on the field to support and work with the refugees, local communities, local authorities and other agencies and organize a series of events and projects. As a particular example on the field, the Sequa Corporation, which is a German non-governmental development organization, has taken its place among various actors in the web of the project networks and funds specific projects related to vocational skills development in Turkey (TAMEB, 2017). In addition to that, Small Projects Istanbul, which contributes to refugees in the process of rebuilding their lives, could be regarded as one of these NGOs in Turkey (Small Projects Istanbul, 2017). The next section will examine transnational corporations in respect to their positions in world politics and the issues of migration and integration. Transnational Corporations (TNCs) Transnational corporations and multinational corporations, just as international non-governmental organizations, have become significant actors in the international political system with the emplacement of globalization in world politics (Weiss et al., 2013). Even though there is 3.1.2. Chapter 3 Non-State Actors and Their Role in Integration 50 a nuance between TNCs and MNCs which points out the differences of organizational structures (PEDIAA, 2015), it could be argued that their roles in the international arena are similar regarding world politics. The importance of MNCs in the transformation of world politics was emphasized by pointing out the softening of state dominancy in the international system (Kobrin et al., 2008: 3–4). During this transformation, it can be argued that the TNCs have been more involved in policy-making areas compared to previous periods in world history. That’s why, the interests of TNCs in politics and economics have led them to be a part of the phenomenon of migration and integration. Accordingly, with the participation of different actors on the field, TNCs would be expected to be involved in several joint programs and projects in order to meet the necessities of the integration process in accordance with the presence of both the refugees and local people. Concerning Syrian refugees in Turkey, Korkmaz (2017) indicated that numerous national and international non-state actors meet the different needs of Syrians in Turkey by conducting various activities and projects (Korkmaz, 2017: 4). For instance, the involvement of the MNCs such as Microsoft Windows, Siemens, IKEA, and Ericsson into the projects for the refugees in Turkey was indicated (Bozkuş, 2016). Needless to say that the above mentioned corporations require to be questioned and challenged in terms of their privileged positions in the framework of neo-liberal globalization. Furthermore, Marcus (2015) has urged the business world in Europe to take action in turning the difficulties into opportunities in respect to the refugee flows by breaking their silence. In another perspective, although there have been examples of unfavorable conditions for the workers in the labor market with low wages, the MNCs have been reported to encourage the local suppliers in order to integrate the Syrian refugees into the labor market (Korkmaz, 2017: 13). Thus, the arguments and the examples above would encourage researchers to investigate the role of TNCs and MNCs in local integration processes. 3.1. The Concept of Non-State Actor 51 Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) Civil society organizations have considerably taken a place in the category of non-state actors. Perret (2006) argues that the increase in the number of non-state actors has also played a major role in expanding awareness for the role of civil society in IR (Perret, 2006: 2). The organizations in the sphere of civil society can be described as a bridge between the individuals and the state/inter-states entities. Thus, civil society organizations are not only functioning in the realm of the national boundaries but also they play a substantial role in the global governance within the interactions among various international actors (Marchetti, 2010). One of the significant features of CSOs is that they would become a voice of certain groups and individuals in accordance with a number of particular issues and by having a part in diplomatic discussions, policy-making areas, and exercising and observation of the global decisions (Marchetti, 2010: 2). In addition to that, some of the CSOs would be in cooperation with the state actors in order to respond to the humanitarian crisis, conflicts and social phenomenon driven by the disasters, conflicts and war. For instance, the UNHCR repetitively draws attention to the collaboration among different actors which also include civil society organizations for the UNCHR programs such as humanitarian assistance, resettlement and integration (UNHCR, 2004; UNHCR, 2001–2017d). In one of the digital works in Turkey, more than a hundred CSOs have been presented in relation to their positions and ties with other organizations in the web of the CSOs concerning the Syrian refugees (Cilga, 2017). Moreover, a couple of reports have pointed out the CSOs’ engagement with Syrian refugees in Turkey by outlining their works such as humanitarian assistance, shelter, employment, education, health, culture and art, social and legal support, vocational training, research and workshops, and harmonization (Çorabatır & Hassa, 2013; Kutlu, 2015). Regarding the position of civil society organizations, it could be argued that the CSOs’ participation in local integration processes is crucial. 3.1.3. Chapter 3 Non-State Actors and Their Role in Integration 52 Professional Chambers (Trade Associations) Professional chambers, alias trade associations, are recognized as one of the non-state actors whose “definition leaves room for all categories of NSAs, such as: private sector, human rights associations, NGOs, religious organizations, trade associations, research institutes and universities, media, etc.” (Gherghel, 2010: 224). The main goal of professional chambers is to protect the rights and the interests of the affiliated professional groups. As a non-state actor, the professional chambers are also expected to be involved in refugee integration, particularly at the local level. Victoria Crawford from the World Economic Forum (WEF) presents the sample of The Chamber of Commerce in Austria which contributes to the refugee integration process by conducting trainings and programs concerning learning a language, developing skills, having mentorship and employment (WEF, 2016) which have been important indicators of refugee integration. Also, apart from implementing a number of trainings and activities, the professional chambers are able to express policy proposals to governments and local authorities by referring to their research and observations in respect to their expertise areas. The cooperation for protecting refugees between the IOM and Foreign Trade Association could be given as an example of the collaborations in decision-making areas (IOM, 2017e). In addition to that, one of the ways of expressing that is for professional chambers to prepare and publish reports in respect to the circumstances of the refugees and the integration process. For instance, the Gaziantep Chamber of Commerce in Turkey published a report on the issues of Syrian refugees which informed the public about the current state of affairs and presented their findings and recommendations (Gaziantep Chamber of Commerce, 2015). Last but not least, the professional chambers are also one of the non-state agencies which could join in the networks of refugee integration projects whose impact on the society would strengthen the integration process. For instance, in Turkey, the Şanlıurfa Union of Chamber of Merchants and Craftsmen joined in the implementation of vocational trainings with other actors in the local area under the supervisory of the International Labor Organization (ILO) which have been encouraging the local actors for the refugee projects (ILO, 2016). 3.1.4. 3.1. The Concept of Non-State Actor 53 City Councils City councils which can be regarded as the legislative and policy-making bodies of the city, are the significant actors which could mediate between local actors and local authorities in order to respond to the problems and needs of the people and city within the local governance (Roberts, 2016; Baxter, 2017). The councils are also expected to act in the sphere of high-level policy-making processes instead of focusing on operational details (Good Governance Guide, 2016). When it comes to refugee integration at the local level, it is an inevitable circumstance that city councils need to be involved in the process. For instance, Leeds City Council correspondingly took responsibility to make a call for the public in respect to supporting refugees by stating that: “Anyone in Leeds who would like to do something to help with the refugee crisis can do so through a number of organizations in the city working with refugees and asylum seekers who rely on the goodwill and generosity of the public:…” (Leeds City Council, 2015). In addition to that, Cambridge City Council made a call to the public that: “We have agreed to give a home to 100 refugees and are looking for housing for them – can you help?” (Cambridge City Council, 2017). Furthermore, a certain amount of city councils in Turkey are also involved in the works for the Syrian refugees. Particularly, Konak City Council in İzmir came into prominence and set an example for other councils by establishing a ‘Refugee Assembly’ within the organizational structure of the council (Oğuz, 2016). Considering the arguments and the examples above, city councils are also required to be investigated in order to comprehend the role of the non-state actors in local integration. The following section will be looking at universities as non-state actors. Universities University is basically the place where academic education is delivered by scholars and experts. Its foundational roots are based on the ancient Greeks who were acknowledged to start the examination of natural and social sciences in universities. In our modern age, university edu- 3.1.5. 3.1.6. Chapter 3 Non-State Actors and Their Role in Integration 54 cation is provided by the state and private universities whose members and students are expected to act in its peculiar autonomous space. It has also been regarded as a place of “the training of a skilled labor force” (Brennan et al., 2004). On the other hand, universities are not only educational institutions but also non-state actors (Anheier, 2005; National Intelligence Council, 2007) who have a wide range of networks which are comprised of a number of various figures and institutions. In respect to refugee integration, while the universities are providing higher education to the refugees (Cremonini, 2016), they cooperate with the other actors on the field, implement research and organize a number of panel discussions, workshops and conferences (Brennan et al., 2004). In Turkey, universities such as Koç University, Hacettepe University, Bilgi University, Gaziantep University and Yüzüncü Yıl University have their own implementation and research centers which directly focus on migration, population, and politics (DGMM, 2015). Apparently, the universities and their research institutions have taken a place in the web of non-state actors who could engage with the issues of refugee integration and influence the policy-makers at each level. Business Networks Although businesses have been perceived as an actor of transactions within the area of economy and trade, their actions in other areas such as politics and social issues has become more visible with their rising interest in policy-making processes and social engagement in global and local societies. Accordingly, Juzwiak et al. (2014) underlined that: “Businesses are more and more viewed as a functioning part of society with responsibilities towards the community” (Juzwiak et al., 2014: 2). On the other hand, while local circles of businesses and their foreign networks are contributing to the integration process by providing funds for the projects, job opportunities and vocational trainings for the refugees, the refugees’ own enterprises and the businesses in host society would effectively function for the integration process, particularly social capital and identity construction (Lyon et al., 2007; Valarini, 2015). Piñeiro (2017) indicated that: “Refugee-led businesses are generating employment for refugees and members of the local popula- 3.1.7. 3.1. The Concept of Non-State Actor 55 tion and are combating discrimination and negative perceptions toward refugees” (Piñeiro, 2017). Considering the arguments above, the circles of the businesses which are comprised of local firms and refugee-led enterprises would significantly contribute to the integration process in respect to not only the economy and employment but also the social issues. In addition to that, the business world could put forward particular policy recommendations to the authorities. In the case of Syrian refugees in Turkey, Erdoğan and Ünver (2015) indicated that movers and shakers excluding the exceptions in Turkish business networks comprehended the permanency of the Syrian refugees’ stay in Turkey and pointed out the necessity of formulating policies in respect to this reality (Erdoğan & Ünver, 2015: 77). The arguments and examples above give insight into the role of business networks in general and the matters of migration and integration of the refugees. Religious Communities Religion is one of the influential dynamics in politics, economy, and social life. Due to the nature of religion and its impact on individuals and communities, religious groups and institutions have always been a part of non-state actors which have an interest in affecting, contributing, and shaping the policy-making process. Even some actors on the international area may have an intention to make and implement policies in accordance with the bases of religious rules. Not only influencing politics but also strengthening the relations among members of a religion and society is an important target for religious leaders and communities. That’s why, it would not be exceptional to see religious communities and their leaders take a part in both causing and dealing with the migratory movements and integrating refugees and immigrants into society (Real, 2010; Refugee Studies Centre, 2012; Fiddian- Qasmiyeh and Ager, 2013; Goodall, 2015: 1). In addition to that, the importance of the religious communities’ works has been acknowledged by the UNHCR in respect to the support for the refugees (Goodall, 2015). For instance, the religious communities could utilize their networks in order to reach and help the refugees during their stay in the host society. Also, one of the well-known practices is the church 3.1.8. Chapter 3 Non-State Actors and Their Role in Integration 56 sanctuary which aims to protect refugees and give them shelter (Neufert, 2014: 36). In the case of Syrian refugees in Turkey, the figures in the Sunni Islamic networks mostly apply to the narration of ensar-muhacir in order to bring different actors together and provide assistance to the Syrian refugees rather than focusing on refugee rights (Sever, 2016). Moreover, the representatives of the minority religious groups in Turkey gathered in Istanbul to raise awareness of the refugee issue by presenting an exhibition in a church (Milliyet, 2016). Regardless of the positive and negative aspects, it could be argued that the involvement of religious groups in refugee issues presents various situations. Individuals As globalization has brought about the mitigation of mere authority of the nation-states in the global governance and policy-making processes, individuals as non-state agencies were also encouraged to influence policy-making by expressing their ideas and demands without any mediator. A basic explanation of non-state actors which includes the individuals are presented here: “Non-state actors is a catch-all term for groups, movements, organizations, and individuals that are not part of state structures” (Landman et al., 2013: 88). While particular scholars, intellectuals, and artists are individually influencing the refugee integration process at the policy-making level, other individuals are also supposed to contribute to the process by making an effort at societal level. Accordingly, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees Filippo Grandi indicated that: “Integration is a dynamic two-way process which requires both the individual and society to make considerable efforts” (OECD Observer, 2016). In another perspective, the position of the individuals from refugee populations in the society also matters for the integration. In one of the workshops organized by the DGMM, it was indicated that the socio-psychological and identity issues of the refugee individuals could make a difference in the local community in respect to harmonization (DGMM, 2013). As a result, it would not be surprising to observe the great efforts of particular individuals in the society for the refugee integration. 3.1.9. 3.1. The Concept of Non-State Actor 57 After the examination of these non-state actors, the next part will be trying to reveal the roles of the non-state actors in the integration of refugees and migrants. The Roles of the Non-State Actors in Integration of Refugees and Migrants Non-state actors are playing significant roles in our daily politics as mentioned at the beginning of the chapter (Risse, 2002; Hall & Biersteker, 2002). The plurality of the international actors provided by the rising presence of non-state actors, is enriching the vision of policymaking processes at various levels such as local, regional, national, and global. However, in particular areas, state dominancy has been maintained in order to make decisions in accordance with the national interests. That’s why, the roles of non-state actors are mainly explained in accordance with comparative position to the states in the global governance. Nevertheless, the nation-states could remain incapable to deal with global non-traditional issues such as migration and refugees. At this point, it would be argued that the non-state actors have a significant role in complementing the gaps that were not fully supplemented by the states. Furthermore, in a conceptual perspective, the term global governance rather than international relations is supposed to deny reducing the importance of non-state actors’ role in world politics (Svitych, 2014). Nevertheless, due to the current affairs of migration and integration, I will try to present the roles of the non-state actors partly by categorizing them as complementary, monitoring, and critical positions to the states and their policies. In respect to the local integration of the refugees, the participation of the non-state actors in attempts to join in the integration works will be also categorized by looking at their concrete actions on the field such as humanitarian assistance, integration based works, and plans and actions for medium/long term integration. Apart from grouping the roles, it was indicated that the roles of non-state actors in the area of refugee integration have been concentrated regarding the circumstances in Turkey (Bayraktar, 2010: 1). In 3.2. Chapter 3 Non-State Actors and Their Role in Integration 58 addition to that, non-state actors in the case of Italy were reported as being dynamic and having a significant role in the integration by indicating their contribution to the practices in the activity fields (Caneva, 2014: 20). Moreover, to be able to strengthen the position of non-state actors in the integration process, this can be revealed here that: “International organizations, non-institutional actors (e.g., from the private sector), and non-governmental actors (including migrant organizations) play a key role” (Treib et al., 2005; Bilgili & Agimi, 2015). Considering the arguments above, it can be interpreted that the involvement of the non-state actors in the efforts for refugee integration matters greatly. Supporting this statement, it has also been indicated that the long term targets in the integration works cannot be achieved without the non-state actors’ vision and roles (Sánchez-Montijano, 2014; Bilgili & Agimi, 2015). Thus, the following sub-chapters will be the outcome of the attempts to reveal different roles of the non-state actors, particularly in the integration. Complementary Role of Non-State Actors to the State Policies As it was drawn in previous parts, non-state actors do not leave the states alone in the global governance. One of the important features of the non-state actors is to play the role of complementing the actions of state actors in various fields. In a report focusing on cooperation among the EU and non-state actors, it was stated that the collaboration has the basis of “the legal and political recognition of the complementary roles played by civil society, the private sector and decentralized local communities in the cooperation processes with national partners” (EU External Action, n.d.: 3). The emphasis on the complementary role of the non-state actors was reflected in the EU’s official statements above. Furthermore, the growing importance of non-state actors as a complementary figure to the states in the regulation area was highlighted by showing the acknowledgement of the non-state actors’ capacity to regulate (Hutter, 2006). Concerning refugee integration, non-states actors also play the role of complementing to the space where the central and local officials’ works are not sufficient for total achievement. For instance, Nas- 3.2.1. 3.2. The Roles of the Non-State Actors in Integration of Refugees and Migrants 59 sali (2015) argues that when the state of a host country evades the responsibility of refugee protection, non-state actors appear to fill the area of responsibility. Also, the cooperation between the state and the non-state actors in particular cases was emphasized by the author (Nassali, 2015: 17). Partnership between the state and non-state actors has been stressed by another account which indicates that: “Such nongovernmental partners are important in two ways. First and foremost, they function as direct partners in the implementation of policies” (Penninx, 2003). At this point, Penninx (2003) is also urging the governments to include significant actors from civil society into resettlement and integration processes (Penninx, 2003). Additionally, nonstate actors do not necessarily cooperate with the state in order to play the complementary role to the state policies and actions. They can determine the shortcomings and the necessities by themselves to take an action in their own way. Likewise, non-state actors’ feature of being autonomous in some occasions would be also captured by examining their role of monitoring state policies and actions. Monitoring Role of Non-State Actors to the State Policies Non-state actors significantly act in various fields in order to watch and address a number of issues managed by the state actors. In order to comprehend the very basis of the monitoring role of non-state actors, it is a crucial argument that “Non-state actors can play a key role in such review processes. In many areas of international relations, including climate change, they have helped monitor compliance with states’ obligations and pledges, provided relevant information and expertise…” (Asselt, 2016). Furthermore, Bhamra et al. (2015) importantly claims that monitoring role of non-state actors are the indispensable segment of decision-making processes which provides transparency and accountability for the progressing state of affairs (Bhamra et al., 2015: 3). For instance, the growing importance of the monitoring role of non-state actors in World Bank projects was highlighted in an account related to social accountability (World Bank, 2017). Thus, states and international organizations can take advantage of the oppor- 3.2.2. Chapter 3 Non-State Actors and Their Role in Integration 60 tunity for different voices from the non-state realm in order to formulate policies and take action in a better way. Furthermore, by monitoring the process of social phenomenon such as migration and integration, non-state actors could curb negative state of affairs in these issues. At this point, regarding the involvement of non-state actors and comparing their complementary roles, Penninx (2003) also argues that: “they are perhaps even more important as political actors. They may influence the political climate and political outcomes, and may be important agents in combating exclusion, discrimination, and xenophobia” (Penninx, 2013). Thereby, it would be one of the expected circumstances that some of the non-state actors regularly monitoring reports on various issues by analyzing the parameters of refugee integration in order to present both the negative and positive aspects of the progressing integration process. In another source, it was claimed that businesses could play an important role in monitoring the refugee integration process for a mutual gain by considering the interests and the rights of both the refugees and themselves (Juzwiak et al., 2014: 3). For instance, a considerable number of employers in Şanlıurfa were reported as demanding subsidies in order to employ the refugees and keep their position stable in accordance with their possible observations in the market dynamics (Pınar et al., 2016: 21). Not only businesses but also other non-state actors in a local area would contribute to the local integration process by monitoring the state of affairs in accordance with the consideration of both the refugees and local people’s rights and responsibilities. While some non-state actors play complementary and monitoring roles for various issues such as migration and integration processes, other non-state actors’ mere goal could be to make criticism towards the current state of affairs and policies carved out by the states in order to urge the governments and inform the public about the course of events. There is a nuance between monitoring role and critical position of non-state actors that they can prefer to aim at only portraying what is happening in the field without making obvious criticisms to the state. The next part will be focusing on the critical position of the nonstate actors to the state policies. 3.2. The Roles of the Non-State Actors in Integration of Refugees and Migrants 61 Critical Position of Non-State Actors to the State Policies As indicated by Penninx (2003), the non-state actors also emerge as a political actor who has the capability to influence the political atmosphere (Penninx, 2003). They do not only complement and monitor the state policies but also have a tendency to make criticism towards the policies and the actions. Accordingly, Kerwin (2009) claimed that NGOs take inevitable responsibility of criticizing and urging governments when the officials do not cover the needs of the citizens such as protecting individual rights (Kerwin, 2009; Valutis, 2013: 6). Especially, advocacy groups such as human rights associations, environmental groups, and similar organizations can be taken into account in the critical position of non-state actors to the state-level discourses and policies. This way of participation is also making the non-state actors a part of the decision-making process. Also, it was argued that non-state actors are involved in democratic way of the politics by affecting the decisions with the expression of their ideas and suggestions (Nasiritousi, 2015; Amaya, 2016). Thus, the critical position of the non-state actors can be also assessed as a contributor to the democratic decisionmaking process and its implementation. Concerning refugee integration, particular non-state actors play a critical role in the area of advocating for refugee rights against the authorities throughout the integration process. For instance, Bayraktar (2010) argued that the local actors have become more visible within the area of integration and advocacy through the Europeanization process of Turkey (Bayraktar, 2010: 9). Non-state local actors are not the exception to this statement. In the recent past, the controversial deal between the EU and Turkey regarding the Syrian refugees was criticized by different actors such as political figures, the media, civil society, the public, and the refugees. Herszenhorn and Barigazzi (2017) stated that the human rights associations and particular members of the European Parliament criticized the controversial agreement between the EU and Turkey which was claimed as an unavailing deal for the well-being of the refugees (Herszenhorn & Barigazzi, 2017). The next section scrutinizes the other way of non-state actors’ involvement by examining humanitarian assistance to refugees, integration-based 3.2.3. Chapter 3 Non-State Actors and Their Role in Integration 62 works in the living areas of refugees, and strategies and implementations for medium and long term integration. Humanitarian Assistance to the Refugees Humanitarian assistance has been one of the prominent matters in the international relations and the global governance. It is also the first step of the integration process in which different actors assist the survival of the refugees when they are not able to sustain their life under suffering conditions. From the end of the cold war until present time, there has been a dramatic increase in the number of practices of humanitarian assistance (Haider, 2013). Particularly, non-state actors have been playing an important role in assisting people in the conflict and natural disaster areas in order to meet the very basic needs of the people. Concerning the conflicts and the affected civilians, Branczik (2004) indicated that the main goal of humanitarian assistance is to “assist people who have been displaced, prevent the spread of conflict, support relief work, and prepare them for rehabilitation” (Branczik, 2004). Also, there have been several principles for humanitarian assistance that were established for functional and inclusive action on the field. Huma Haider outlines these principles as: “humanity, neutrality, impartiality and operational independence” (GSDRC, 2013). On the other hand, a lot of criticism of humanitarian organizations has been expressed due to the violation of humanitarian principles which have originated in the international humanitarian law (Branczik, 2004; Haider, 2013). In respect to the refugees and their basic needs in an arrival place, many non-state actors are willing to help them under the name of humanitarian assistance with diverse interests and purposes. A report focusing on role of the NGOs in humanitarian assistance to the conflict zones in Africa, indicated that the procurement of food and medicine for the refugees in these areas such as Angola, Liberia, Mozambique, Rwanda, Sudan, Somalia, and Zaire was crucial for the refugees’ survival (Smock, 1996). Also, the partnership between the UNHCR and the IKEA Foundation could be an example of cooperation among various actors in the operation of humanitarian assistance to Syrian refu- 3.2.4. 3.2. The Roles of the Non-State Actors in Integration of Refugees and Migrants 63 gees. According to the content and the implementation of this collaboration, “support is provided through a combination of IKEA products donated as gifts in kind – for example, in 2013 it gave 50,000 mattresses to the UNHCR for Syrian refugees – and providing financial support to implementing agency partners to fund their response” (Stirk, 2014: 8). Concerning the Syrian refugees in need of vital elements in Turkey, there have been various non-state actors involved in the humanitarian assistance operations by collaborating with the state actors (particularly AFAD) and independent actions. Although the Turkish authorities’ rejected to the humanitarian assistance of the UN at the beginning of the refugee flows, Hisham ul wahab (2017) stated that: “Turkey facilitates a large number of humanitarian organizations, both Inter-Governmental Organizations and Non-Governmental Organizations working inside and outside Turkish borders to bring more support and financial assistance in this troublesome situation (Hisham ul wahab, 2017). In addition to that, many small-scale voluntary groups have been assisting the Syrian refugees in Turkey by creating solidarity networks and materially contributing to the basic needs of the refugees. Integration Works in the Living Areas of Refugees Actions taken by non-state actors beyond humanitarian assistance significantly matters for the well-being of the refugees. On the one hand, one of these actions is integration that aims at helping the refugees for their adaptation to the local area and living in harmony with the local community as getting to know each other. Likewise the humanitarian assistance, integration could be perceived as humanitarian support to the refugees but it deals with the issues rather than the basic needs of the refugees in their living areas. On the other hand, the conceptual debates around the integration which can be perceived in numerous ways such as harmonization and assimilation were brought up through the understanding of the Syrians’ stay in Turkey (Hoffman & Samuk, 2016: 10–15). For instance, concerning the civil society organizations that engage with Syrian refugees in Turkey, Mackreath & Sağnıç (2017) are outlining the sorts of humanitarian assistance and right-based works for the refugees as: “basic 3.2.5. Chapter 3 Non-State Actors and Their Role in Integration 64 aid provision (such as food, healthcare, clothes), social services (such as education, psycho-social counselling, information exchange, legal aid), relief targeted at community harmonization, cultural and art projects, research and reporting, and coordination efforts” (Mackreath & Sağnıç, 2017: 21). Apart from the coverage of basic needs, other works stated above have contributed greatly to the integration process in the host society. Moreover, touching briefly in case of need, the participation of the local people in the efforts of civil society significantly influences the process in a progressive way. Due to envisaged effectiveness of the integration-based works of the non-state actors and the social encounters among the refugees and local residents in the society, relative achievement in integration works compared to the camp conditions can be contemplated. Accordingly, an AFAD employee indicated the presence of better social integration for the ones living in the cities rather than the camp residents (Hoffman & Samuk, 2016: 8). As an example, a specific project conducted (under the cooperation of the EU and Turkey) by one of the prominent non-state actors (Asylum and Migration Research Center) in the area of asylum and migration in Turkey had the name “Harmonization of Refugees” (Civil Society Dialogue, n.d.). The project contains various strategies and plans for not only the non-state actors but also the state actors, in order to expand the sphere of influence. Despite the number of fields and the refugees relatively remain less than expected, the idea and the implementation could be a model for cooperation among different actors and the nonstate actors’ involvement in the integration process. Strategies and Activities for Medium and Long Term Integration The figures of the integration process are not supposed to reach a possible short-term solution due to peculiar features of the integration (Penninx, 2003). That’s why, it would be expected to see that all actors including non-state ones prepare their plans and strategies in order to accomplish the integration process by considering the lengthiness and complexity of the process. Concerning the long-term formulation in integration process, Nilsson (2015) suggests that an appropriate remedy can be provided by coordinating “long-term resettlement strategies 3.2.6. 3.2. The Roles of the Non-State Actors in Integration of Refugees and Migrants 65 for refugees who need sustainable housing programs, health care, and educational opportunities.” (Nilsson, 2015). He also emphasized the importance of long-term projections in order for Europe to prevent lost generations (Nilsson, 2015). Regarding prolonged circumstances of the Syrian refugees in Turkey, İçduygu and Şimşek (2016) stated that the current affairs of the refugees in Turkey would entail the emergence of medium and long term plans and strategies of the various actors which need to focus on the main pillars of the integration process (Culbertson & Constant, 2015; İçduygu & Şimşek, 2016). Considering the longevity of the Syrian civil war and the settlement of the Syrian refugees, it is one of the expected situations that many of the Syrian refugees will not leave Turkey. That’s why, non-state actors would be expected to join in the efforts of formulating and implementing the plans and strategies for the medium and long term integration of the Syrian refugees. Chapter 3 Non-State Actors and Their Role in Integration 66 The Case of Mersin and Findings In this chapter, the fieldwork (Summer 2017) in Mersin province concerning the role of the non-state actors in the refugee integration will be presented. Particularly, the integration process of the Syrian refugees in Mersin is the focal point of the research in respect to the local integration. For the field research, Mersin province was selected due to a number of reasons. Firstly, Mersin is one of the top ten Turkish provinces regarding the numbers of Syrian refugees, which reached more than a hundred thousand by 2017 (DGMM, 2017). There are also various non-state actors in Mersin, which have been actively working in the field. Due to the density of Syrian refugees in Mersin, most of the actors directed attention to Syrian refugees. Also, it was noticed that the role of the non-state actors in the local integration of Syrian refugees in Mersin as a research topic have not been given enough attention as a research topic yet in spite of the on-going efforts in the province. In light of this background, field research and the remarks from this province was considered as a potential contribution to the analytical academic work on the subject by enriching the existing the theoretical and conceptual debates. The research included quantitative and qualitative methods. In order to derive meaningful statistics and interpretations from the results of the field research and to grasp the data in both quantitative and qualitative ways concerning the activities of non-state actors for Syrians’ local integration in Mersin, a semi-structured interview model was prepared and implemented. The research sample was formulated by applying two different and subsequent methods. Firstly, a list of various institutions including state and non-states actors was determined by looking at the report of the first and foremost workshop in Mersin concerning the problems of Syrian refugees (BİAMER, 2014). Afterwards, while the researcher got in communication with a couple of institutions from the list in the report, the snowball sampling was also Chapter 4 67 applied as to reach different institutions and individuals that have been related to the local integration of Syrian refugees in Mersin. During the field research, some of the representatives from the invited institutions did not prefer to participate in the interviews due to their personal reasons and hesitations to participate in a survey. Twenty non-state actors were included in the research sample and they became part of the interview research. The interview questions were designed to explore the role of the non-state actors in the local integration of Syrian refugees in Mersin. While some questions were purposed to reveal the profiles of these non-state actors, several openended questions were included for reaching various remarks and insights on the non-state actors’ actions in Mersin (Please see the Appendix for the list of questions). Also, several questions were asked to participants in order to explore their perceptions on the Syrian refugees in Mersin. Each interview lasted almost one hour. Moreover, an interview with the MPDMM was conducted in order to have a general overview about their policies, activities, and their relations with non-state actors in Mersin. This interview could be regarded as a supplementary element to the researcher who has been in an endeavor to produce an analytical work concerning the subject. Historical Background of Mersin In this thesis, the role of the non-state actors in the local integration of Syrian refugees is examined in the scale of Mersin, which is one of the portal cities of the Turkish Republic that is geographically located on the south coast of Turkey, 300 kilometers away from the border with Syria. 4.1. Chapter 4 The Case of Mersin and Findings 68 Main Migration Route of the Syrian Refugees from Syria to Mersin Source: http://www.timeturk.com/tr/2012/11/01/iste-ortadogu-da-turkiye-algisi. html The Location of Mersin on the Map of Turkey Source: http://hangibolgede.com/mersin-hangi-bolgede/ Mersin is one of the major cities in Turkey that has a metropolitan municipality. The metropolitan municipality was established in 1993. Ayata (1999) indicated that the process of being an urban place of dwelling units in Mersin started in the midst of the 19th century (Ayata, 1999: Figure 4. Figure 5. 4.1. Historical Background of Mersin 69 199). It is also known that the city has been home to various civilizations throughout history from Hittites to current communities (Ayata, 1999; Develi, 2008). Furthermore, Mersin has an important geographical place in the East Mediterranean region which has become one of the most important hubs for maritime commerce. The presence of the port in Mersin is crucial for the city, its economic activities, and the employment. It was underlined that the development of a global economy as an external factor highly affected the emergence of the city whose port allowed for the expansion of commercial capacity and developed relations with other port cities (Ayata, 1999; Aytar, 2016). Due to the trade activities via Mersin port, the city became one of the prominent commercial centers as the city of a periphery country in the global capitalist system (Aytar, 2016: 45). It could be argued that rising economic activities after the construction of the Mersin port and the development of the city have gone hand in hand. In addition to that, the city also hosts different peoples who have ethnically and religiously diversified backgrounds and have been living in Mersin for a long time. Thereby the city has generally accepted foreigners due to the family ties, social and cultural affinities, and the culture of tolerance. Also, it carries the heritage of many different civilizations throughout history. As a result, Mersin has always had the label of being a cosmopolitan city which has been compared alongside cities such as İstanbul and İzmir (Ayata, 1999: 201). Moreover, due to the geographical proximity, family ties, commercial connections, and Mediterranean culture, many Arab people especially from Syria and Lebanon have been coming to Mersin for a variety of reasons. The city has had its peculiar dynamics which has readily hosted people from outside. It was unfolded that the Christians such as Greek Orthodoxes from the Islands and Cappadocia, and Arab Orthodoxes from Syria and Lebanon are the first migrant residents of Mersin (Erjem, 2009: 33). There were also Arab Alawites along with these first migrants. Migration has always been a part of Mersin’s history through the periods from the Ottoman Empire to the Turkish Republic when the city has hosted many people who had different backgrounds of religion and ethnicity. In the official annuals of Mersin, the presence of various Chapter 4 The Case of Mersin and Findings 70 groups such as Jews, Muslims, Rums, Orthodox Greeks, Armenians, Gregorian Armenians, and Protestants have been indicated (Bozkurt, 2012: 23). The Muslim population is comprised of Turks, Yuruks, Turkmens, Circassians, migrants from Crete Island, Arabs, and Iranians (Ayata, 1999: 201). As an anecdote, a neighborhood in Mersin has been called “Migrant” (Göçmen) due to the Circassians’ migration to this neighborhood in Mersin. In addition to that, it was emphasized that Mersin has been one of the cities which is constantly growing because of letting in immigrants (Ayata, 1999: 200). Particularly, it has become an immigrant-receiving city as it started with a forced internal migration of people -mostly Kurds- from the southeastern part of Turkey around the 1980s. Since the beginning of the forced internal migration, people have constantly moved to Mersin because of internal displacement and family ties (Erjem, 2017: 5). Concerning the migratory movements, Mersin was reported as an immigrant city rather than an emigrant one (Erginöz et al., 2004). Mersin’s position as being an immigrant city throughout history did not show a counter-trend in the recent past. Rather, the city pushes the limits of its reception capacity with the flow of Syrian refugees. Also, the city has become more plural in respect to the participation of the Syrian people into the existing cosmopolitan city. The next part will be focusing on the Syrian refugees in Mersin before revealing the results from the field and analyzing them in accordance with the integration parameters. Syrian Refugees in Mersin Before the outbreak of the Syrian Civil War in 2011, many Syrian people were visiting Mersin with different aims such as commercial activities, family reunions and holidays. However, when it comes to the beginning of war, the picture of Syrians’ arrival to Mersin sharply changed. At the beginning, the war was held in certain areas of Syria. That’s why, a fewer number of people escaped from Syria to Turkey. The escape was not like a phenomenon in Mersin as it happened in other regions of Turkey. Both the society and the government in Turkey could not foresee the prolonged and brutal war in Syria which has 4.2. 4.2. Syrian Refugees in Mersin 71 still been going on with the inclusion of big powers on the international arena for a long time. At the initial phase of the migration, middle and upper class wealthy families moved to Mersin as they had their own properties such as house, car, etc. (Reidy, 2016). Some of them were even able to maintain their businesses from Mersin. Around the end of 2013 and the beginning of 2014, with the rising intensity of the war throughout all of Syria and the spreading presence of ISIS, mass influxes started to flee from Syria to Turkey, particularly to close towns bordering Syria including Mersin (Hurriyet Daily News, 2015). In Mersin, the estimated number of Syrians refugees reached 300 thousand and the Syrian refugees in Mersin have been comprised of a diversified population concerning socio-economic conditions. According to the official numbers revealed by the DGMM, Mersin has been one of the top 10 provinces in Turkey as hosting 154,610 registered Syrian refugees under Temporary Protection (DGMM, 2017). The relevant graph which was published by the DGMM will be displayed below: Syrians Under Temporary Protection (TOP 10 PROVINCES) Source: DGMM (2017). Figure 6. Chapter 4 The Case of Mersin and Findings 72 The influxes that started around the end of 2013 were unpredictable for the local communities and governments, and the central authority in Turkey. Many people and institutions were caught unprepared. Due to family ties, trade relations, cultural and geographical proximities, Mersin has become one of the cities in Turkey to host many Syrian refugees. On the other hand, Mersin was distinguished from other cities in the region with noticeable Syrian refugee communities such as Kilis, Şanlıurfa, and Gaziantep. Atlı (2016) explains this situation by emphasizing that it is related to the fact that “Mersin has become a magnet for richer Syrians with capital and business plans” (Atlı, 2016). A joint report of ORSAM and TESEV (2015) also indicated that merchants and investors from Syria have been moving to Mersin particularly due to the presence of the port and the sea as attractive factors (ORSAM- TESEV, 2015: 8). According to statistics, Mersin has always been in the top ten cities which have hosted the most Syrian refugees. The profile of Syrian refugees in Mersin is highly diversified. There have been obvious differences among the Syrian people regarding their socio-economic and ethnic backgrounds. While a part of the Syrian population was settling in the city center which contains the neighborhoods of middle and upper classes, some of them located in the periphery of the city as they worked for very low wages in the industrial and agricultural sectors. It was reported that the Syrian refugees mostly include Sunni Arabs, Kurds, and Turkmens (Orhan & Gündoğar, 2015: 32). Also, a small number of Christians and Arab Alawites were already seen as staying in Mersin during the war. The dispersed population throughout Mersin was also diversified concerning daily life problems. The population living in the periphery struggled to survive as they were located far away from the services which were mostly present in the city center (Görendağ, 2016). A few of the non-state actors have been in touch with this population since they settled in the periphery of the city. On the other hand, the population living in the city center has had their own networks which provide solidarity and information circulation among the people and Syrian civil society organizations in Mersin (Hurriyet Daily News, 2015; Reidy, 2016). Comparing the population living in the periphery, these people have been relatively able to reach the non-state actors and Mersin Provincial Directorate of Migration Management. 4.2. Syrian Refugees in Mersin 73 Concerning the perception of local people in Mersin, many people were reported as being anxious and having skeptical perceptions on the Syrians’ stay in Mersin (Orhan & Gündoğar, 2015; Mersin Siyaset, 2015). Also, with the permanency of the Syrians’ stay, tensions between the Syrian refugees and the local people are becoming more apparent. For instance, a tension in the Adanalıoğlu neighborhood of Mersin entailed the evacuation of the Syrian refugees from this place in 2017 (CNNTürk, 2017; Mersin Portal, 2017). On the other hand, in spite of increasing skeptical repercussions in Mersin, a remarkable number of non-state actors which include Turkish, Syrian and international non-governmental organizations and other various entities have been involved in the humanitarian assistance and integration practices in collaboration with the authorities at some points (Mersin Ticaret ve Sanayi Odası, 2015; Sever, 2017). To be able to understand the role of these non-state actors in Mersin which have been trying to provide integration of the Syrian refugees, a comprehensive analysis of the results from the field research will be revealed in the following parts of this research. Overall Findings and Analysis In the field research, the interviews with twenty non-state actors were conducted in order to find out the role of the non-state actors within the local integration of Syrian refugees in Mersin. While the non-state actors were designated, the snowball sampling was applied in order to reach relevant non-state actors by utilizing the networks of selected non-state actors and individuals. The list of the interviewees will be displayed below: Profile of Designated Non-state Actors in Mersin in the Field of Migration Non-State Actors Type of institution 1 Certified Translator N.B. Individual 2 Mersin City Council City Council 3 Mezitli City Council City Council 4.3. Figure 7. Chapter 4 The Case of Mersin and Findings 74 4 Mersin University Regional Monitor and Application Center (BIAMER) Research Center in University 5 Mersin University Migration Studies, Application and Research Center (MER-GOC) Research Center in University 6 Mersin Chamber of Medicine Professional Chamber 7 Mersin Chamber of Commerce and Industry Professional Chamber 8 Mersin Catholic Church Religious Community 9 Mersin Djemevi Religious Community 10 Association for Solidarity with Asylum Seekers and Migrants (ASAM) Civil Society Organization (CSO) 11 Mersin 7Renk LGBTI Education Research and Solidarity Association CSO 12 Mersin Mediterranean Rotary Club CSO 13 YUVA Association CSO 14 MAYA Association CSO 15 Mersin Users of Organized Industry Zones Association (MORSKUD) CSO 16 The Sandal of Liberty Association CSO 17 Syria Social Gathering CSO 18 SEQUA International Non-Governmental Organization (INGO) 19 Social Services Directorate in Mersin Metropolitan Municipality Local Municipality Unit 20 Mezitli District Governorship Social Assistance and Solidarity Foundation CSO Under Local Body According to the statistics which are demonstrated in Figure 8, forty percent of non-state actors interviewed for this field work are comprised of civil society organizations which have been engaged in the local integration of Syrian refugees in Mersin. Professional chambers, university research centers, religious community, and city councils each constitutes ten per cent of the participant institutions. The international non-governmental organization is having a place by five percent of all selected non-state actors in the research. All non-state actors in the interview study, also including municipality units and the Assistance and Solidarity Foundation were identified and selected for this study based on the “typology of non-state actors” which was explained in the previous chapters of this thesis. Moreover, the actors’ ability to design and implement activities for refugee integration independently 4.3. Overall Findings and Analysis 75 from the state level actors was taken as major criteria for the selection process. Types of Non-state Actors in the Research Another question in the interview was aimed at revealing the particular features of these non-state actors (duration in the fields, activity areas, funding, etc.) specific to their works in the sphere of refugee integration. In this regard, while five of these actors have been working in these areas less than a year, eight actors have experience for more than a year but less than three years. Also, seven of these actors have worked more than three years in the field. The data demonstrates that involvement of these actors to the process developed in parallel with the increasing flows of Syrians in Turkey and permanency of their stay. The percentages are available in Figure 9 below: Figure 8. Chapter 4 The Case of Mersin and Findings 76 Experience in the Field In addition to that, the numbers of staff working in the field of migration and integration in these institutions were inspected by the researcher. Eleven non-state actors which have fifty-five percent of the total amount, have employed a maximum of five personnel. The actors who have more than five personnel in different ranges could not surpass the limit of fifty percent. This shows that mostly small scale nonstate institutions are involved in the process in Mersin regarding the recruited staff for the refugee integration works. Figure 10 demonstrates all percentages together: Number of Staff Working in the Field of Migration Figure 9. Figure 10. 4.3. Overall Findings and Analysis 77 Furthermore, another question was asked to find out the sources of the funds which have been utilized by the non-state actors for their activities in the field. Firstly, two of them indicated that they had not used any funds until now. Apart from that, other actors reached different types of funds’ sources which contain particular donors, international institutions, states, their own institutional budgets, other types, and all of them. As a prominent example in the field, SEQUA, which was one of the respondents of the interviews, is a type of mediator which contributes to the vocational skills development projects by having agreements with various actors in Mersin and providing the allocations of the funds given by the Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development in Germany. The percentages of the results regarding this question are revealed below: Funded by Whom? While fourteen non-state actors do not have any branches in the organization structure related to the issues, six of them have several branches in respect to the refugee integration. The percentages could be seen below: Figure 11. Chapter 4 The Case of Mersin and Findings 78 Any Branches? A set of questions were also asked to reveal how the non-state actors have been communicating with the Syrian refugees, when they started to get in touch with the refugees, and whether the organizations contacted the refugees at the beginning of their flows. Regarding the communication methods, eight actors use both methods of direct and indirect communication with the Syrian refugees. Six of them expressed that they were directly communicating with the refugees and the other six participants declared that they indirectly got in touch with them. As an example, MAYA which is one of the CSOs in the research indicated that: “We first went to the living areas of Syrian agricultural laborers who were living in tents in order to contact them. We have some friends in our organization who know Arabic. They had one-to-one dialogues with the Syrian refugees. That was our way of communicating with the Syrians. Apart from that, we also contacted some refugees in our neighborhood.” At total, fourteen non-state actors have had dialogues with the Syrian refugees through their own employee or they individually have got in touch with them in a common neighborhood. The others mostly use mediators out of their organizations or announcements for their communication. The percentages can be viewed below: Figure 12. 4.3. Overall Findings and Analysis 79 How to get in touch with refugees? Furthermore, another goal in this question was to find out when the actors started to engage with the Syrian refugees in Mersin. Only six non-state actors have engaged with the Syrian refugees since the beginning of their flows into Mersin. Due to various reasons, others started to communicate with the Syrian refugees later than the beginning of their flows. Figure 14 will show the percentages of this situation. In addition to that, the reasons for the late communication with the Syrian refugees were investigated later. The responses merged into three main headings. The most given answer was that the migration of Syrian refugees was not perceived as a big phenomenon at the beginning. Another response which is numerically very close to the first one, was that the organizations or their projects were not ready to be activated at the beginning of the refugee flows. However, a few of these actors indicated that they did not expect the war to be prolonged and impossible return of the Syrian refugees. Regarding the communications started later than 2011 and the permanency of Syrian refugees in Mersin, MER-GOC stated that: “The rising numbers of the refugees and the idea of their permanent stay in Mersin prompted our communication with Syrian refugees. We started to ponder their harmonization to the society, economy and politics in Mersin, and their possible roles and positions in Turkey and the world in the future.” Figure 13. Chapter 4 The Case of Mersin and Findings 80 Figure 15 will demonstrate the percentages of the responses to the last sub-question. In touch with refugees since when? Why got in touch later than the beginning of the refugee flows? Figure 14. Figure 15. 4.3. Overall Findings and Analysis 81 Another issue of concern was the cooperation among various actors on the field. The concept of cooperation in this research can be defined as the common work or permanent communication of the relevant actors in the field in order to share information and experiences. According to the responses, only two selected non-state actors have not been involved in any cooperation yet. While seven non-state actors have at least once cooperated with several non-state actors rather than the state actors, two actors only collaborated with the state actors. Also, nine non-state actors associated with both the state actors and the nonstate actors regarding the matters of Syrian refugees’ local integration. Concerning the situation above, the Mersin City Council is an interesting example. The participant from the Council expressed that: “We have been in cooperation with all actors in Mersin. We are an umbrella organization. The CSOs have generally been contacting us. Also, many other actors have got in touch with us. When they inform us about various circumstances of the Syrian refugees on the field, we move to the field in order to make observations and assessments.” Figure 16 will take a place to present the percentages below: Cooperation with whom? Moreover, another question was put forth to discover the target groups of the non-state actors in their works for the local integration. As a result, children were in the forefront as nine different non-state actors Figure 16. Chapter 4 The Case of Mersin and Findings 82 have worked for their integration. As only focusing on the children, the Mersin Mediterranean Rotary Club stated that: “We visited several schools in Mersin. These schools were located in the neighborhoods where the Syrian refugees mostly live. By giving support to the refugee children and their families in respect to clothing and health, we wanted to make their educational life sustainable. Also, we tried to determine their needs and meet these needs with our own sources. Several members of our club conducted medical screenings, particularly dental and eye screenings, of the children.” The next leading group is women as seven various non-state actors stated that they took action for them. Thirdly, it was revealed that five non-state actors have been working for the integration of young refugees. On the other hand, the options such as the ones for LGBTİ+ people, other disadvantaged groups, and others remained weak. Lastly, five non-state actors contributed to the process as working for all of these groups. The percentages will be displayed below: Target Groups of Their Activities Afterwards, a question was asked to learn about the sources of their information which are utilized by the non-state actors in their works about particular issues such as legal changes, the conditions of the Syrian refugees, and the relations between the Syrian refugees and the local community. According to the results, most prominent sources appeared as the reports, observations, fieldworks and surveys, and expe- Figure 17. 4.3. Overall Findings and Analysis 83 riences respectively. In addition, institutional experiences, international sources, other option, and all of them came after the most prominent sources above. In respect to this, the chart is given below: What sources are to be utilized? As the analyses of these overall findings, a salient result in the proportion of non-state actors in the research could be indicated that a number of civil society organizations dominate the activities of non-state actors in Mersin. Apart from the civil society organizations, the other non-state actors are almost equal in respect to their numbers. Moreover, the inquiry on the duration of non-state actors in the field demonstrates that most of these selected non-state actors were relatively experienced entities in the refugee integration due to their long duration in the field. However, some of them prepared or joined in the integration activities once or twice in this long period. In addition to that, most of these non-state actors have had modest capacities as they could only employ up to ten people while a small number of non-state actors have had more than ten people in the organization. Thereby, the lack of staff in these organizations has the possibility to affect the efficiency of the integration process. Not only the lack of staff but also the problem of funding and budget is likely to influence the efficiency of the integration process since a considerable number of these actors has Figure 18. Chapter 4 The Case of Mersin and Findings 84 been using their own limited budgets or once utilizing the funds for the projects. Also, almost the same ratio of the non-state actors, which had direct and indirect ways of communicating with Syrian refugees, shows that non-state actors could reach them by having a variety ways of linkages. This could enlarge the sphere of refugee integration by including the Syrian refugees, the employees in non-state actors, and the mediators. As another result of the field study, many non-state actors intended to get into touch with Syrian refugees later than the beginning of their flows. This is due to several reasons but mainly related with thinking Syrians’ flows as a temporary movement at the beginning and then becoming more aware about the permanency of their situation in the years following 2011. For instance, changing perceptions of non-state actors could bring about the change in minds that non-state actors realized the prolonged war and impossible returns. Another important remark of this part is that even though there have been few problems among the relevant actors regarding their communication, most of the non-state actors indicated that they have already cooperated and are also eager to cooperate with both state level actors and each other in order to respond to the needs of Syrian refugees and to work together in the integration process. To sum up, the overall findings related to the profiles of the nonstate actors are given in this part before analyzing the role of the nonstate actors in the local integration of Syrian refugees in Mersin. This information can be useful in order to understand the characteristics of the non-states actors that are involved in refugee integration activities in Mersin. The following part will be focusing on the role of these nonstate actors in the local integration of Syrian refugees in Mersin by taking “integration parameters” as a basis. Integration Parameters and The Role of Non-State Actors The parameters in the process of refugee integration were discussed and listed in the previous chapters of this study. These parameters are (i) housing and accommodation, (ii) health, (iii) education, (iv) legal assistance, (v) language courses, (vi) employment, (vii) skills develop- 4.4. 4.4. Integration Parameters and The Role of Non-State Actors 85 ment, (viii) social and cultural aspects, and (ix) participation. They are crucial for two major reasons. Firstly, the parameters listed in this research can draw a sustainable path for the policy-makers and the relevant actors on the field. Also, the parameters can be measuring elements for the analyses of the refugee integration process. Thereby, based upon the parameters given by the researcher in Chapter 3, the role of the non-state actors in the local integration of the Syrian refugees will be investigated in this chapter through the primary data derived from the field study in Mersin. Housing and Accommodation As it was indicated in one of the previous chapters, housing and accommodation play an important part in the structural elements of the integration process. In the case of Syrian refugees in Mersin, several questions in the interview allow finding out the roles of the non-state actors in respect to housing and accommodation. While six non-state actors have been taking part in the matters of housing and accommodation, almost all of them have played a complementary role to the state policies, activities and its shortcomings at some points. For instance, the representative of the Mersin Catholic Church indicated that: “We have been contributing to the settlements of the Syrian refugees by finding them houses and paying the bills for them by using our own resources and using our own networks.” The monitoring role has only been played by the Mersin City Council, which submit their reports to the AFAD, the Governorship and the MPDMM by observing the housing and accommodation conditions of the Syrian refugees. Due to the nature of this parameter, the non-state actors mostly contributed to the part of humanitarian assistance which could be perceived as a beginning step of the integration process. According to epitome of the responses from the field, housing and accommodation in this case is comprised of helping refugees find accommodation, paying the bills, transferring them to another place after a natural disaster in Mersin, and giving them blankets as domestic utensils. 4.4.1. Chapter 4 The Case of Mersin and Findings 86 Health Health is another structural aspect of the integration process. The sustainability of a successful integration could not be provided without health services to the refugees and unhealthy individuals. Among participants of this research, eight non-state actors indicated that they were involved in various ways in the efforts and activities for health issues of the Syrian refugees. According to the results, these ways of nonstate actors’ involvement in the health area include supporting patients with guidance and consultancy, psychological support, vaccines for the children, medical observations and preparing reports, medical screenings such as dental and eyes, clinic and medication support, support for translation in health services, providing medical devices, and cooperation with doctors. Also, the results allow interpreting the roles of the non-state actors in respect to the health issues in the local integration. Mostly, the complementary role of the non-state actors comes into prominence in accordance with the responses. For instance, MAYA association stated that: “We have been trying to help the Syrian refugees by acquiring them identity cards to get health services. It has been an important effort. Also, we tried to cooperate with the doctors in Mersin for the Syrian refugees but we could not make it sustainable.” Also, a few of them which have been working for preparing reports to be submitted to the UNHCR and other top-level institutions, have been playing the monitoring role. On the other hand, concerning the other way of the non-state actors’ roles, it could be claimed that the efforts for the refugees’ access to health services and providing sustainable support would be the outcome of the role of integration based works and long-term strategies. Also, in emergency cases, there have been several humanitarian activities that were reported during the process. Education Education as a significant parameter of the integration process that prevailed among the options of integration aspects. Numerically, thir- 4.4.2. 4.4.3. 4.4. Integration Parameters and The Role of Non-State Actors 87 teen non-state actors in field research declared that they have been engaged in the activities related to the educational needs of the Syrian refugees. In response to another question related to the accelerating factors to the integration process progressing in a proper way, the importance of the educational works was considerably highlighted by the participants. Regarding this issue, the Mersin Chamber of Medicine stated that: “One of the significant accelerating factors of integration is the educational activities for Syrian refugees. These educational activities must be organized by the institutions and in accordance with official regulations. Also, the concerns of the local community can be diminished by these official regulations in respect to the educational plans.” On the field, the educational activities of these actors contain implementing projects for vocational education, providing guidance for children to be registered in schools, supporting university students and raising awareness of their needs, supporting the students and providing information on education rights of the refugees, contacting different institutions to solve the problems of the refugee children in the schools, organizing activities for making the refugees’ educational life sustainable, and encouraging the children to have education in Mersin. As an example, the Association for Solidarity with Asylum Seekers and Migrants indicated that: “We have been calling the schools and relevant institutions in order to solve the problems of the refugee children and support them when they cannot cope with the struggles in education.” Intensive focus on the educational works can be interpreted as an important contribution by the non-state actors to the local integration in Mersin. It could be argued that these non-state actors, which mostly engaged with the educational works for the refugees, have been playing the complementary role to the state policies and the implementations. Also, by considering its possible long-term outcomes, these efforts of non-state actors in the area of refugee education should be considered as an essential contribution to the long-term integration of the refugees in Mersin. Chapter 4 The Case of Mersin and Findings 88 Legal Assistance One of the prominent aspects of the local integration is the legal assistance of the non-state actors. Particularly, the state and non-state actors have been assisting the refugees in the official processes in order to generate a better integration of the refugees with the local community by determining the status and operating the services properly. In the case of Syrian refugees in Mersin, eight non-state actors claimed that they have been working in the area of legal assistance for the Syrian refugees. The legal assistance given by the non-state actors vary on the field in accordance with the responses from the interviews. The actions are comprised of supporting the refugees to be registered, taking the initiative for their identity cards, informing them about legal processes, helping the refugees in judicial processes with the lawyers, communicating with the MPDMM in emergency cases, consultancy and advocacy for the refugees, supporting the refugees in bureaucratic processes, support for translation in various circumstances, and giving countenance to the business people who want to start or keep their business in Mersin concerning the registration and information. For instance, the Mersin Chamber of Commerce and Industry stated that: “We have been informing the representatives of the Syrian firms who want to continue their businesses in Mersin in respect to the legal procedures. Also, we have been providing legal assistance to the Syrians who want to set up a business in Mersin.” In addition to that, a certified translator in Mersin who can speak multiple languages and is familiar with the Syrian refugees’ problems stated that: “I have been informing the Syrian refugees regarding legal issues and helping them with the translation support in the official procedures. Also, I have been playing a complementary role by being bridge between the Syrian refugees and the civil servants.” Accordingly, the non-state actors have been mostly playing complementary roles in respect to the legal assistance which could not be fully sustained by the state due to a lack of capacity and the high number of Syrian refugees. In addition, the support and contributions in this area could be perceived as the integration based works within the local integration process of Syrian refugees in Mersin. 4.4.4. 4.4. Integration Parameters and The Role of Non-State Actors 89 Language Courses The language factor has not only been a barrier to the long term integration but also it would generate problems in the daily-life of the refugees. That’s why, non-state actors have a tendency to engage with the language problem of the Syrian refugees in Mersin. According to the research results, eight non-state actors have been involved in teaching the local language since they got active in this area. While some of them have been included in particular projects for language training through cooperation among different actors, there have been language centers founded within the organizational structure of other non-state actors in respect to the impact of the language on the local integration process. One of the Syrian CSOs stated that: “We have a language center operating under our organizational structure which admits anyone who wants to learn the Turkish language and keep studying their mother languages. This language center is also a part of our education center within the organization. We are cooperating with the public education center in order to be able to deliver official language certificates.” By providing language training and encouraging people to learn the local language, the non-state actors have been playing the roles of integration-based works and having the long term strategies. Also, their actions in this field are an example of complementing the state policies and implementations regarding accelerating the process. Employment Employment is a crucial dynamic for the long-term strategies and implementations of the refugee integration process. It has also been one of the fields in which non-state actors are involved in contributing to the long-term integration. According to the results, six non-state actors joined in the efforts of the refugee employment within the local market. In the case of Syrian refugees in Mersin, non-state actors’ involvement for the employment of the refugees remained less than the ones for the education, health, legal assistance, and support for the language. Regarding the content of their involvement, several non-state 4.4.5. 4.4.6. Chapter 4 The Case of Mersin and Findings 90 actors have been giving promises of helping the refugees to find a job after their participation in vocational training. For instance, MOR- SKUD stated that: “We will be making an effort for the refugees who take vocational training to be employed in the local market. For this purpose, we will be in touch with several actors such as İŞKUR, civil society organizations, and the municipalities.” Also, regardless of the vocational training, one of them directly uses their own network to employ vulnerable refugees in the labor market. As an example of this situation, the representative of the Mersin 7Renk LGBTI Association indicated that: “I have been leading LGBTI people to various workplaces where they would not face discrimination. For example, I have already led a LGBTI person to the workplace of my father and the job was given to this person. Likewise, several of our other friends employed some other LGBTI refugees.” In addition to that, a couple of Syrian civil society organizations indicated that they are trying to give the refugees jobs in their own place when the Syrian refugees are in need of it. Concerning the employment issue in the local integration, the non-state actors could claim that they have been playing the role of complementing the state policies and actions. At the same time, they seemed to be taking the responsibility for playing a role in the long-term integration of Syrian refugees in Mersin. Skills development Skills development is an important step for the refugees to be able to find a job in the market of the host community. More or less the same non-state actors which are involved in the employment issue, joined in the attempts for developing the skills of the Syrian refugees in Mersin. Accordingly, most of them contributed to the process by implementing or becoming a part of particular projects which mostly focused on vocational training. Regarding a specific project in Mersin, YUVA Association indicated that: 4.4.7. 4.4. Integration Parameters and The Role of Non-State Actors 91 “We have been implementing a project of vocational training for the refugees which is comprised of agriculture, sanitary system works (construction, painting, plumbing, etc.), cooking, and textile manufacturing. After the refugees get vocational education for three months, the public education center certifies the refugees. In addition to that, classes in entrepreneurship, effective communication techniques, and anger management are given to the refugees.” At the end of the vocational training, the refugees will be able to be employed by the firms and factories. One of these non-state actors differently stated that they only support the refugees who want to develop their skills. Considering the responses of the non-state actors, skills development projects seemed to be one of the most interesting areas for the non-state actors which would play the role of complementing the state policies and the actions, and the efforts for long-term integration due to the ultimate goal of employment. Social and Cultural Aspect Social and cultural factors are important matters for the refugee’s social integration into the host society. According to the results, various actors on the field contributed to the process of social integration of Syrians refugees in Mersin. One of the professional chambers in Mersin distinctively indicated that they would establish a social innovation center which is thought to activate social entrepreneurship and offer innovative approaches to social problems. By this way, they believe that they will contribute to the social cohesion. Moreover, the Catholic Church in Mersin has been organizing camps and picnics for the young people including refugees in order to teach them ethical values and support them to create networks. Also, another religious community, Djemevi brought the refugee and local children together in their activities in order to make the refugee children feel that they are not alone in Mersin. A civil society organization holds the activities of chess, sport, dance and drama in order to make the refugee children socialized. On the other hand, a research center in Mersin University, BIAMER organized a workshop to understand the problems of the Syrian refugees and generated an atmosphere for networking in the workshop. Another organization, Mersin 7Renk LGBTI Association 4.4.8. Chapter 4 The Case of Mersin and Findings 92 indicated their mission of social consultancy to the refugees. Importantly, a Syrian civil society organization in Mersin stated that they already held an intercultural day in Mersin. Also, they organized football games for the young refugees and local people. In addition, they gather Turkish and Syrian musicians in their own schools and the teachers were teaching instruments to each other in their free time. Thereby, we could readily argue that these non-state actors have been playing the complementary role in the long-term oriented integration works. Participation Participation aspect of the integration process is less likely to be focused on rather than previous elements in Mersin. Nevertheless, several non-state actors contributed to the participation of Syrian refugees in civic life through civil society organizations and workshops held by different actors. Significantly, a representative of the Mezitli City Council stated that: “We introduced the Mezitli City Council to the Syrians in Mezitli and we got in touch with them. The mayor of Mezitli developed his relations with the Syrians through our intermediation… We included a Syrian young person in the council activities in order to raise the voices of Syrian young people in the decision making process.” Also, a research center in Mersin University organized a large-scale workshop in Mersin which was comprised of a number of state and non-state actors in order to discuss the problems of the city with the Syrian representatives and individuals. In addition, Syrians have the possibility to join in civil life in Mersin through several Syrian civil society organizations such as the Sandal of Liberty Association and Syrian Social Gathering which were also the respondents of the interview in this research. Apart from these respondent CSOs, there have been other Syrian CSOs in Mersin, too. Concerning the participation of Syrian refugees, non-state actors in Mersin seem to be playing a role of having strategies and implementations towards medium and long term integration. Their complementary feature can be stressed by indicating the supplementary meetings to the states’ meetings with NGOs in Mersin. 4.4.9. 4.4. Integration Parameters and The Role of Non-State Actors 93 Lastly, although the results emerged with the responses to different questions, a specific question which was aimed to reveal the non-state actors’ activities mostly contributed to the analyses. That’s why, it would be beneficial to present its chart here: Involved Areas According to this graph, the strategies and activities for the education of Syrian refugees have taken the lead. Interestingly, the option of other follows education in accordance with the responses of selected nonstate actors. This option is mostly comprised of social and cultural activities which were generally designed to bring the local people and Syrian refugees together. In this way, non-state actors believed that they would contribute to the cultural recognition and social integration of Syrian refugees in Mersin. The next sections will be focusing on the non-state actors’ perception of the state policies and actions, and the Syrian refugees in Mersin, which is also one of the essential aspects of this research. Figure 19. Chapter 4 The Case of Mersin and Findings 94 Non-State Actors’ Perception on State Policies and Actions One of the significant outcomes of this research was to reveal the nonstate actors’ perception on the state policies actions in respect to the refugees’ integration in Mersin. For this reason, several questions were asked during the interviews. First of all, a question was directed in order to learn of non-states actors’ knowledge about the presence of state and local governments’ integration policies. According to the results, while thirteen actors were relatively being aware of the presence of integration policies designed by the state and local governments, five other non-state actors did not confirm any information about them. Also, two actors did not give any response to this question at all. The relevant rates can be seen below: Knowledge about State and Local Governments’ Integration Policies and Actions In addition to that, when the opinion on the state and local governments’ integration policies was examined, one of the outcomes dominated the other responses. Nine of fifteen non-state actors stated that there have been some efforts by the state and local government but they are not sufficient. Also, while four non-state actors did not respond to this question, two actors indicated that the current works are totally insufficient. As a response, no one said that the current works are totally adequate. As a general outcome, non-state actors would pre- 4.5. Figure 20. 4.5. Non-State Actors’ Perception on State Policies and Actions 95 fer to see developed integration policies and activities in the field. Figure 21 shows the relevant percentages below: Opinion on State and Local Governments’ Integration Policies In another question, the non-state actors were questioned in order to reveal whether they are complementing the state actions in the field in accordance with the complementary role of non-state actors in the local integration. In the research, complementing the state actions in the field means that non-state actors would contribute to the local integration of Syrian refugees by covering shortcomings in the field or cooperating with the state. As a result, even though a particular part of selected non-state actors indicated that there has not been a well-oriented integration policy and action, ten non-state actors as being half of the sample stated that they have been achieving to complement the implementation of the authorities in the field. According to the responses, the complementary works of these non-state actors mostly included refugee workshops, sharing information with relevant actors, implementing projects in the field, and providing humanitarian assistance. Due to large necessities on the ground, four non-state actors do not believe that they can fully play a complementary role in the process of local integration in spite of their complementary work. These large necessities were indicated as being the lack of state policies and actions, and the high number of Syrian refugees. On the other hand, an organization indicated that the actions of the non-state actors and Figure 21. Chapter 4 The Case of Mersin and Findings 96 authorities have been demonstrating distorted roles. Also, a professional chamber differently emphasized that their works could not be complementary due to insufficient capacity of the chamber. By and large, whether the non-state actors play a complementary role, a considerable part of these non-state actors pointed out the necessity for developed policies by the state and the difficulty in the field due to the high number of Syrian refugees and insufficient organizational capacities. Figure 22 will demonstrate the rates below: Complementary or not? Non-State Actors’ Perception on the Syrian Refugees In previous parts, the results and particular analyses concerning the role of non-state actors and their perception on the state policies and implementation in the local integration process were exhibited with the inclusion of the relevant graphs. Last but not least, the non-state actors’ perception on the Syrian refugees was also questioned during the interviews. A question was to reveal the thoughts of non-state actors on the refugees’ future in respect to legal and migratory dynamics. Two options Figure 22. 4.6. 4.6. Non-State Actors’ Perception on the Syrian Refugees 97 such as “maintaining the current status” and “migration to Europe or other countries” were least likely to be expected by the non-state actors. On the one hand, the gradual integration policy option for the refugees was most likely to be preferred by the non-state actors. Following this option, the citizenship right is believed to be given to the Syrian refugees during or at the end of the integration process. On the other hand, considerable number of non-state actors less than previous ones believes that the best option for the refugees is returning back to home after the possible ending of the war in Syria. Importantly, a group of non-state actors stated in their own words instead of choosing an option among the alternatives. Several of these non-state actors indicated that an option cannot explain the future of the Syrian refugees. They emphasized the multiple choices of the diversified Syrian population in Mersin without mentioning the states’ decisions. In addition to that, other two nonactors who put forward a particular perspective to this matter, focused on the long period of refugees’ stay in Mersin in order to indicate that some of them would stay in Mersin and some of them would go back to Syria, without talking about any policy option. Lastly, an organization pointed out a possible safe-zone in Syria that would allow the refugees to move there. The relevant table could be seen below: Opinion on the Refugees’ FutureFigure 23. Chapter 4 The Case of Mersin and Findings 98 Furthermore, another issue related to non-state actors’ perception on the Syrian refugees is the capability of the refugees to be integrated into the community in Mersin. In addition to that, possible factors for accelerating the integration process were asked to the non-state actors. Regarding the capability of the refugees in the local integration process, the results seemed positive rather than negative. Nine of all the respondents indicated that the refugees could comply with the society and be integrated under certain circumstances. Closely, eight non-state actors argued that they could join the society and be integrated without any specific circumstances. Only two non-state actors did not approve of the capability of the refugees for their integration in Mersin. Accordingly, the percentages will be shown below: Possible to be integrated? Moreover, there were some ideas that occurred after the interviews concerning the accelerating factors in a healthy way for the refugees’ local integration. According to the results, rational and legal regulations became the most prominent response among others. Following that, education and language factor was thought to be another important element in the list. While there have been few other alternatives to the classical options in the list, three main options such as cultural and religious commonalities, more inclusion of non-state actors into the process, and positive attitudes of the local community to the process Figure 24. 4.6. Non-State Actors’ Perception on the Syrian Refugees 99 remained weak as none of them could exceed ten percent. Regarding the other alternatives to the classical options in the list, an actor emphasized the prevention of the racist and discriminative policies in accordance with the healthy and sustainable process. Also, another actor pointed out the two-way feature of the integration process as saying that “Turkish culture and lifestyle must be narrated to the refugees. The efforts must be mutual in this process”. By and large, non-state actors intend to urge the authorities to take action more actively by formulating rational and legal regulations, which also include better opportunities for education and language factor, in order to eliminate the obstacles in the integration process. Concerning this dimension, Figure 25 will be demonstrated below: Factors to accelerate the integration process In order to comprehend the circumstances of Syrian refugees in the broad picture and understand the role of the MPDMM, the interview with MPDMM will be revealed in the next part. Figure 25. Chapter 4 The Case of Mersin and Findings 100 Interview with the Mersin Provincial Directorate of Migration Management (MPDMM) After analyzing the results from the fieldwork concerning the role of non-state actors, the important notes from the interview with the MPDMM will be presented in this part. Apart from the non-state actors and local governments, the Directorate in Mersin represents the central authority in Ankara regarding the decisions and the implementations in respect to the Syrian refugees who live in Mersin. The interview with the representative of the central authority in the local area is considered to include the state perspective in order to put forth an analytical research. Changes in Turkish law and the establishment of the Directorate General of Migration Management (DGMM) allowed delegating the responsibility of the Turkish Police Headquarters of the Foreigners’ Department (TPHFD) to the DGMM concerning the refugees. According to the interviewer in the office of the MPDMM, they took the responsibility from the TPHFD concerning the refugees and started to work in Mersin on May 18, 2015. The officer provided information about the communication with the Syrians in Mersin who individually found the Directorate or got in touch with the Directorate in another place during their registration. In addition to that, the Directorate contacted the representatives of the civil society organizations in their meetings in order to reach and inform the refugees. When the question about the integration practices of the MPDMM appeared, an official representative firstly indicated that the main role of the institution is to coordinate the fieldwork and relevant actors. Moreover, it was stated that the management pyramid begins in Ankara in order for the projects to be implemented by various actors. On the other hand, there have been other activities in which the MPDMM was directly involved. These practices can be outlined as: involvement in the projects and regular meetings with various actors, consultation and guidance, informing public institutions and non-state actors, delivering the briefing leaflets, contribution to the reports and submitting them to the office of the governor. Nevertheless, the representative indicated that the reasons such as the registration of the high number of refugees, their frequent change of location, and the lack of 4.7. 4.7. Interview with the Mersin Provincial Directorate of Migration Management (MPDMM) 101 personnel have not allowed the office to fully work on the integration. It was stated that the office has particular ideas regarding the integration but there is no time to implement these ideas due to the above mentioned factors. In respect to the question about the cooperation among the state and non-state actors for the integration of the refugees in Mersin, the respondent said that there has not been considerable work towards the integration but they cooperated with some civil society organizations and opinion leaders regarding the support for celebrations, briefings, delivering the leaflets, guidance and meetings. In addition to that, concerning the question related to the fieldwork of the MPDMM in Mersin, the officer pointed out their role of coordination to provide security when there is tension between the refugees and the local people. After this kind of tension and the interference by various actors, the MPDMM keeps registering the ones who were not registered before or decide to evacuate the refugee population due to the tensions. Answering the same question, the respondent presented another fieldwork of the MPDMM that they conducted a project called “huzurlu sokaklar” (peaceful streets) which aimed to settle unaccompanied beggar refugee children into children’s homes. When it comes to the query of the shortcomings in and suggestions for the integration matters, the MPDMM puts forward that the amount of cooperation and coordination among the MPDMM, national, and international organizations must be increased, the capacity of the Directorate General must be expanded, and there must be at least biweekly regular meetings with the national civil society organizations. Importantly, when the accelerating factors for the integration of refugees was asked, the officer outlined the accelerating elements as improving the national and local harmonization policies which could be regarded as pathfinder, organizing expedited Turkish language courses under the coordination of the DGMM, providing a process of teaching the Turkish Constitution, and holding contact meetings. Lastly, concerning the citizenship rights to the Syrian refugees in the near future, the respondent stated that it is likely to ease the process of acquiring citizenship rights for the ones who bring the capital and provide employment. In the following chapters, the results from Chapter 4 The Case of Mersin and Findings 102 the fieldwork concerning the role of non-state actors within the local integration of Syrian refugees in Mersin will be presented. As a very brief discussion for previous sections, the results and the analyses mainly demonstrate that the involvement of the non-state actors in the refugee integration process varies by different methods and contents. Also, it would be one of the outcomes that due to the high number of refugees and lack of capacities of state and non-state actors, the cooperation among authorities and non-state actors would be beneficial for themselves, the local community and the Syrian refugees in Mersin. Otherwise, the willingness of various actors in the integration process and their reliance on successful integration may be diminished in due course. Also, many have been expecting to see the formulation of rational and legal regulations concerning the refugees in order to make things certain and the integration process sustainable. More specifically, there has been a symptom of cooperation between the state and non-state actors. However, according to many respondents, the cooperation in the field must be expanded in order to strengthen the integration process of Syrian refugees. One of the important reasons of having a willingness to expand the cooperation is that most of the non-state actors admitted transformation of the Syrians’ situation which was shifted to “permanent stay of Syrian refugees” rather than “temporary stay of the Syrian ‘guests’”. Also, after 2013, the increasing numbers of Syrian refugees brought about the mobilization of most of the non-state actors in Mersin. Finally, although the non-state actors have been mainly working for the integration of Syrian refugees in Mersin, several actors have kept working in the area of humanitarian assistance. Concerning the efforts for the Syrians’ integration, most of the non-state actors were distinguished as playing the role of being complementary to the state policies and implementations. However, due to several reasons such as the lack of funding, inadequate staff and capacity in the organizations, some of the non-state actors have been limited in the fieldwork. Lastly, the conflict is not likely to prevail among the state and non-actors but the communication between these actors needs to be developed in order to respond to the refugees’ needs and carry out their integration process in favorable ways. 4.7. Interview with the Mersin Provincial Directorate of Migration Management (MPDMM) 103 Conclusion Migration has been a phenomenon in various disciplines of the social sciences through the ages. Due to the diversified reasons for the migratory movements, individuals and communities have constantly been changing their places on the planet. While some of these migratory movements are dependent upon the voluntary tendencies and rational individual choices, other types of migrations could be caused by coercive factors. On the one hand, motivations for voluntary migrations in recent times are generally comprised of educational targets, family reunions, and searching for a better life standard in another country. On the other hand, forced migration in recent times which would generate numerous refugees around the world, has been caused by the factors such as wars, conflicts, poverty, risk of persecution, social exclusion, and the impacts of climate change. It has been the fact that the case of Syrian refugees is a type of forced migration which has been caused by the Syrian civil war which started in 2011. Since 2011, a gradual increase in violence and the spreading of the war in Syria brought about flows of Syrian refugees into other countries, particularly neighboring countries such as Jordan, Lebanon, and Turkey. In particular, Turkey quantitatively became the leading country which has been hosting more than 3 million Syrian refugees. Although there has been international humanitarian assistance to the Syrian refugees and various funds for refugee projects in the host countries, the international community has been regarded as failing to respond to the humanitarian crisis in milestones and significant points. While the debates on unfair allocations of Syrian refugees among countries have been carrying on, the Syrian refugees have kept struggling in their new living spaces which do not have proper conditions. Even though some of the refugees have been trying to keep their migratory movements, some of them have started to settle into their new community. Thereby, the debates around the refugees’ future, particularly the ultimate integration with the local communities, have started 105 in the host countries. On the contrary, a part of the host societies who believe that the refugees will go back to their countries, was not in favor of the integration process and its prospective outcomes. Moreover, due to a new experience in the society with more than 3 million refugees, both individuals and institutions were not ready to face with the realities of this circumstance. Also, the new phenomenon in the communities of the Turkish provinces caused confusion at both societal and state levels in respect to legal and social matters. The debates mentioned above motivated the researcher to investigate the integration process of Syrian refugees in Turkey. Specifically, it was aimed at investigating the role of the non-state actors in the local integration process of Syrian refugees. For the field study, Mersin province was selected because it is one of the top ten Turkish provinces in respect to the numbers of Syrian refugees as residents. Before identifying the field, the researcher recognized the lack of investigations in Mersin concerning the role of non-state actors in the local integration process of Syrian refugees. Although most of the non-state actors working in the area of migration have also been involved in the refugee integration process since 2014, there have been a few studies on this subject. Thereby, the investigation could be regarded as filling the research gap in respect to the local integration of Syrian refugees and relevant actors in Mersin. In the research, theoretical and conceptual debates on migration and integration have an important position before revealing the fieldwork results and analyses. Deriving from the nature of social sciences, particularly migration and integration issues, the relevant concepts have been explained comparatively by stressing their relative features. In other words, one may perceive a concept of migration and integration in another way besides the researcher’s perception. However, the concepts were explained using their basic definitions given by the competent international organizations such as the UNHCR and the IOM. Thus, elucidation of the concepts related to the migration and the integration of refugees has illuminated the path towards the process of integration while analyzing the results of the fieldwork. Furthermore, the theoretical debates on international migration and on integration of refugees were explained in this thesis not only to provide a theoretical perspective but also to present a theoretical and Conclusion 106 conceptual background for the field study. The integration parameters, which helped the researcher to analyze the fieldwork results, were a part of the theoretical understanding regarding refugee integration in the local areas. In the case of Syrian refugees in Mersin, the programs and activities of the related non-state actors clustered under these parameters, namely sheltering, health, education, legal assistance, skills development, employment, social and cultural aspect, and participation. It was revealed in the field research that a considerable number of the non-state actors in Mersin have been focused on the area of education of the Syrian refugees, particularly refugee children. In addition to that, theoretical and conceptual perspectives related to the non-state actors in the international system and migration management, and their roles in the refugee integration were incorporated in the research. The fieldwork results were also analyzed through the lenses of these perspectives. The researcher identified the relevant actors under a categorization-typology of various non-state entities such as INGOs, TNCs, CSOs, city councils, religious communities, professional chambers, universities, business networks, and individuals. Before the presentation of the possible roles of the non-state actors in the refugee integration, the conceptual debates related with these nonstate actors were presented by defining all actors, indicating their positions in the local governance and examples from past and on-going experiences. Concerning the evolution of the international system and global governance, it was argued that the non-state actors have been more active and competent in the world politics and they have been increasingly included in the decision and policy making processes. Thereby, the non-state actors have also been expected to play a significant role in migration management and refugee integration. When it comes to the overall results of the field study, the results mainly demonstrate that the involvement of the non-state actors in the refugee integration process varies by different methods and contents. Elaborately, while some of these non-state actors have remotely been managing the activities for the refugees, the others have been directly involved in the practices. Apparently, most of the non-state actors are working in their areas of expertise which lead them to be part of different works. Also, in response to several questions in the interview, both the state level actors and non-state actors emphasized the inadequacy Conclusion 107 of institutional capacities relating to the high number of refugees. Thereby, due to the high number of refugees and the limited capacities of actors in the field, further cooperation among authorities and nonstate actors is revealed as a necessity of the process for all parties, including related institutions, the local community, and the Syrian refugees in Mersin. Otherwise, the willingness of various actors in the integration process and their reliance on successful integration may be diminished in due course. More specifically, there has been a symptom of cooperation between the state and non-state actors for the refugee integration in Mersin. However, according to many respondents, the cooperation in the field must be enhanced in order to consolidate the integration process of Syrian refugees. One of the prevailing reasons for the willingness of these non-state actors to advance the cooperation is that most of the non-state actors comprehended the transformation of the Syrians’ situation from “temporary stay of Syrian ‘guests’” to “permanent stay of Syrian refugees”. In addition to that, after 2013, the growing numbers of Syrian refugees caused the mobilization of many non-state actors in Mersin to respond to the needs of Syrian refugees and work for their integration. Also, even though the non-state actors in Mersin have mostly been working for the integration of Syrian refugees, several actors have maintained working in the area of humanitarian assistance. Concerning the attempts to integrate the Syrians in Mersin, most of the non-state actors were identified as having the role of being complementary to state policies and implementations. However, due to several reasons such as the lack of funding, insufficient budgets and inadequate staff and capacity in the organizations, some of the non-state actors have been cramped in the fieldwork. Last but not least, the research revealed that the presence of a conflict is not likely to prevail among the state and non-actors but the communication between these actors needs to be improved in order to respond to the necessities and conduct the integration process in favorable ways. Also, many actors on the field have been expecting to see the formulation of rational and legal regulations concerning the refugees in order to make things certain, appease the concerns of the local people, and render the integration process sustainable. 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In what areas have you worked for integration of Syrians refugees? (you can choose more than one). Can you elaborate on your works regarding the selected areas? a. Education b. Health c. Employment d. Skills development e. Support for official issues f. Language g. Other 127 10. Which groups or individuals have you cooperated with for the integration of Syrians to Mersin? a. State actors: b. Non-state actors: 11. For which Syrian groups have you mostly provided services? (Multiple choice) Can you elaborate on your services for the selected groups? a. Children b. Youth c. Women d. LGBTI Individuals e. Other Disadvantageous Groups f. Other 12. What are the informative sources that you utilized during the preparations of your works? (Multiple Choice) a. Observations b. Institutional Experiences c. Surveys and Field Works d. Reports e. International Sources f. Experiences g. Other h. All of them 13. Were your works formulated in order to respond the basic needs of Syrians or their integration in Mersin? (Multiple choice) Can you explain the selected ones with the details? a. Only covering the basic needs of people b. Attempting to increase the integration works in living areas c. Contribution to midterm and long-term integration 14. Have you known about the harmonization policies of the state and local authorities? Appendix 128 15. If yes, what are the implementations of these policies? 16. How do you evaluate them? 17. Have you taken a part of similar implementations of the policies? 18. What are the positive and negative aspects of the state policy for the integration process of Syrian refugees? 19. Do you think that your works are supplementary to the state policy and actions on this issue? 20. Have you worked for covering the lack of policies and implementations during this process? 21. Have you made any contribution to the positive aspects of the process? 22. If yes, how did you contribute? 23. What are the positive and negative aspects of the process of Syrians’ integration to Mersin? 24. Concerning your experiences and the needs of Syrians refugees, have you ever changed the content and method of your works during this process? 25. If yes, what were the main factors to make the changes? 26. What is your opinion about the future of Syrians in Turkey? Why? a. Right to citizenship b. Remaining with current statute c. Moving to other countries, particularly Europe d. A gradual process for the integration e. Turning back to Syria after the possible ending of the war f. Other… 27. Do you think that Syrians will be integrated into the society and how long can this process last? 28. What are the elements that can accelerate this process in a healthy way? Appendix 129

Abstract

In this research, the theoretical and conceptual debates on the local integration of refugees and the role of non-state actors in the integration are brought together. Their investigation take place in the nexus of migration management, the implementation of the states and non-state actors on the field. Particularly, the local integra-tion is examined through the Syrians’ stay in Mersin/Turkey. In the methodology part of this research, semi-structured interviews were applied to 20 non-state actors in Mersin (Summer 2017) in order to have an idea about the role that they have played in the local integration of Syrian refugees. In this way, while the profiles of selected non-state actors in the field were revealed, their participation and contribution to the integration pro-cess were interpreted.

Zusammenfassung

In dieser Studie werden die theoretischen und konzeptionellen Debatten über die lokale Integration von Flüchtlingen und die Rolle nichtstaatlicher Akteure bei der Integration zusammengebracht. Diese werden im Umfeld des Zusammenhangs mit dem Migrationsmanagement, der Umsetzung der Staaten und der nichtstaatlichen Akteure vor Ort betrachtet. Insbesondere wird die lokale Integration durch den Aufenthalt der Syrer in der türkischen Stadt Mersin untersucht. Im methodischen Teil dieser Studie wurden zwanzig nichtstaatliche Akteure in Mersin (Sommer 2017) mit halbstrukturierten Interviews befragt, um eine Vorstellung davon zu bekommen, welche Rolle sie bei der lokalen Integration syrischer Flüchtlinge gespielt haben. Auf diese Weise wurden zwar die Profile ausgewählter nichtstaatlicher Akteure in diesem Bereich aufgedeckt, ihre Beteiligung und ihr Beitrag zum Integrationsprozess interpretiert.

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Abstract

In this research, the theoretical and conceptual debates on the local integration of refugees and the role of non-state actors in the integration are brought together. Their investigation take place in the nexus of migration management, the implementation of the states and non-state actors on the field. Particularly, the local integra-tion is examined through the Syrians’ stay in Mersin/Turkey. In the methodology part of this research, semi-structured interviews were applied to 20 non-state actors in Mersin (Summer 2017) in order to have an idea about the role that they have played in the local integration of Syrian refugees. In this way, while the profiles of selected non-state actors in the field were revealed, their participation and contribution to the integration pro-cess were interpreted.

Zusammenfassung

In dieser Studie werden die theoretischen und konzeptionellen Debatten über die lokale Integration von Flüchtlingen und die Rolle nichtstaatlicher Akteure bei der Integration zusammengebracht. Diese werden im Umfeld des Zusammenhangs mit dem Migrationsmanagement, der Umsetzung der Staaten und der nichtstaatlichen Akteure vor Ort betrachtet. Insbesondere wird die lokale Integration durch den Aufenthalt der Syrer in der türkischen Stadt Mersin untersucht. Im methodischen Teil dieser Studie wurden zwanzig nichtstaatliche Akteure in Mersin (Sommer 2017) mit halbstrukturierten Interviews befragt, um eine Vorstellung davon zu bekommen, welche Rolle sie bei der lokalen Integration syrischer Flüchtlinge gespielt haben. Auf diese Weise wurden zwar die Profile ausgewählter nichtstaatlicher Akteure in diesem Bereich aufgedeckt, ihre Beteiligung und ihr Beitrag zum Integrationsprozess interpretiert.