Chapter VII The Resurgence of Ideology: Parties and Society in:

Ridho Al-Hamdi

Indonesian Political Ideology, page 207 - 242

Political Parties and Local Governance in Yogyakarta Municipality 1998-2015

1. Edition 2017, ISBN print: 978-3-8288-4058-4, ISBN online: 978-3-8288-6884-7,

Tectum, Baden-Baden
Bibliographic information
Chapter VII The Resurgence of Ideology: Parties and Society The prior chapter analysed the parties’ strategy in interacting and communicating with the state actors represented by the municipal government and the DPRD in Yogyakarta Municipality. As part of the interrelated analysis, this chapter explores the parties’ strategy in interrelating and communicating with two other governance actors: civil society and economic society. This study calls these two actors the society group because their existence indeed represents societal interests. If civil society tends to strive for charitable purposes, economic society struggles for commercial goals. The interests are absolutely embedded with their own agendas. This is in line with what Diamond ( : p. ) called a “parochial” and “economic” society namely inward-looking spiritual groups and business actors. In the last section, this chapter illustrates the emergence of so-called “kampung santri” inside Yogyakarta Municipality. When the Ideology is Still Vigorous: Parties and Civil Society In the framework of the relationship between parties and civil society, this study first and foremost postulates that ideology is still alive. Applying Poguntke’s ( : p. ) theory, civil society can be understood as affiliated organisations or independent organisations which are linked to their party on the elite level through ex officio seats of the affiliated organisation’s leadership in party executive bodies. The relationship takes place not merely in electoral events but also when parties struggle for their constituents’ aspirations, a certain issue, a certain regulation, a certain budget or a certain public opinion. That is why Mietzner ( : pp. – , ) has no doubt that parties in Indonesia have a vigorous rootedness with mass organisations including religious 1. 207 groups or what Poguntke ( ) called “collateral organisation”. As ideological representations, PDIP, PAN and PKS, in fact, cannot be disconnected from the process of their establishment. In each establishment, a party can create its own identity and ideological base. Although the development of each party can change from time to time, one thing is definite – parties cannot escape from their own history of establishment. This study furthermore argues that PDIP, PAN and PKS have their own strategy in interacting and communicating with civil and economic societies. It starts when the parties recruit cadres from their networks and affiliations. After parties collect and select the cadres, the elected cadres will be the core actors to mobilise the societal power and to attract the popular vote. Subsequently, people will make a decision to support and vote for the party based on their own preferences. Personal involvement in a particular organisation, mainly religious-based organisations, will influence the way somebody thinks. These kinds of organisations teach a set of basic paradigms, a set of core doctrines or a set of religious outlooks. The way somebody thinks will affect the way he/she acts, and when making a decision to vote for a certain party. He/she will look for and vote for the party with a similar platform and culture to one’s own social background and points of view. He/she voluntarily will promote the organisation and the political party to family members, relatives, colleagues and friends. This is in line with Mainwaring and Torcal’s ( : p. ) hypothesis that voters choose a party because it represents their ideological or programmatic preferences. This process could be called “the triangle in the creation of political forces” as pictured in Figure . . Chapter VII 208 The Creation of Political Forces Source: compiled by the author. Based on this logical framework, this study has no doubt that PDIP, PAN and PKS can revive their own political ideology when they interact and communicate with society, groups and people who have similar thoughts, ideas, objectives, customs and practices. When the relationship between parties and society are built without any barriers, it is easy for parties to create programmes and agendas. The data gathering and the respondent interviews which will be presented further, indeed, strengthen the study’s finding that parties eventually have to keep their political ideology with collateral organisations and people. With ideology, parties can attract people’s encouragements and sympathies. With ideology, mass organisations and people enthusiastically encourage their party with effort. Hence, PDIP cannot be separated from socalled Marhaenism devotees, PAN with Muhammadiyah linkages and PKS with liqo’ networks. These relationships will be explained below. Figure . 1. When the Ideology is Still Vigorous: Parties and Civil Society 209 PDIP: Strengthening Marhaenism Devotees During the Old Order regime, communist and nationalist groups were the voting base in Yogyakarta Municipality. PKI and PNI were leading parties in the Yogyakarta provincial election of by obtaining approximately , and , votes respectively. Meanwhile, Masyumi and the NU Party had around , and , respectively. It is an interesting question: why are the two abangan parties, PKI and PNI, the strongest party in this area? The communist strength was greatest in areas of extreme poverty, agricultural depression and population pressure. The South Coast areas mainly are dry and generally cannot supply their own rice needs. There are three main reasons. First is the decline in communal land ownership to landlessness. Second is the increase of economic differentiation in villages. Third are the ravages caused by the Japanese occupation and particularly the Revolution, which not merely affected the severe material, economic disruption and social dislocation but also created unemployment with youths uprooted from the village life. It sharpened the class struggle in the village and provided political leaders for poor peasants and landless labourers (Feith, : pp. – ). Moreover, during the New Order regime, although Golkar was dominating the municipality, Yogyakarta people tended to be loyal to the nationalist party, PDI. Various sources revealed that PDI’s vote was higher than PPP for years from to . The proximity of Yogyakarta people to the nationalism ideology cannot be separated from the role of the Mataram Kingdom as the cultural patronage which communicates with society by applying the nationalism approach. The integration of Yogyakarta into the Republic of Indonesia in was tangible proof that the ideology of nationalism existed within the municipality prior to this republic reaching independence. The poor situation and the rampant poverty which took place in Yogyakarta in the s made PNI and PKI release people from poverty and vulnerability. Due to the long history of nationalism, it is not difficult for PDIP to interact and communicate with society. Marhaenism devotees are widespread within the municipality in institutions and individuals. Some organisations such as ABY and KSPSI prefer to communicate 1.1. Chapter VII 210 with PDIP rather than other parties because of the similarity in the way of thinking, ideas and culture. The secretary-general of ABY, Kirnadi (interview, Oct. ), confirmed that there is a twofold reason for this closeness. First is that PDIP has a concern and is familiar with labourer issues and aspirations as well as struggles for labourer interests in the legislation and budgeting. Most supporters and sympathisers of PDIP are labourers. Second is that the PDIP seats in the parliament are higher than others. Kirnadi (interview, Oct. ) said: Labourers are the grassroots of PDIP. It is more beneficial for us if we can create an alliance with the biggest fraction in the DPRD like PDIP. We often communicate with Chang Wendryanto as a quick path to deal with labour-industrialist problems. The reason is simple, we only know personally legislators who originated from PDIP. If we are also familiar personally with other legislators outside PDIP, maybe we will contact them. In the same vein, Protestant and Catholic believers acknowledge that they are closer to communicate and act together with PDIP rather than with other parties. It is driven by the fact that PDIP is more accommodative ideologically to all religions. Its functionaries and legislators consist of not merely Muslims but also Catholics and Protestants. Therefore, although this party is more accommodative with any society, in fact, only the society with similar ideas and cultures seeks to interact with this party. Regarding this relationship, Alexander Budi Suwarno (interview, Nov. ), a Catholic, delivers his personal statement: In the DPRD of Yogyakarta Municipality, Catholic legislators are available in PDIP. Relying on these legislators, Catholic aspirations are indeed delivered to them. It is because of religious sentiment. I personally prefer to be close with secular parties like PDIP and also Golkar rather than other religious parties. They are more accommodative with us due to applying Pancasila. In contrast, it is difficult for Catholics to join with religious parties as their affiliation is with Islam communities. The plurality of PDIP can also be seen in the personal background of the elected legislators. All of them were former activists of the PDI Pro- Mega during the New Order regime and have already been involved in various organisations with multi-religions. There were legislators elected in . Sumardjono TH was a former activist in the Catholic Youth and the Karang Taruna. Cindelaras Yulianto and Herimawan 1. When the Ideology is Still Vigorous: Parties and Civil Society 211 were former activists of GMNI and the Democrat Youth. Herimawan was the former head of the RT in the Cokrodirjan area. Moreover, M. Surandi was the former activist of PMKRI and one of the boards in the Catholic Kemetiran Church Yogyakarta. Nuryadi was a former activist of the Karang Taruna. Djati Waluyo was a chairperson of the stalls vendor in the Pasar Kembang (literally means: flower market) and one of the boards of the Foundation for Yogyakarta Intermediary Traders Association. One elected legislator at the time was still a college student: Rahajeng Arhuna Adaninggar. Despite being Muslim, Adaninggar was educated in Catholic institutions from primary school to university. The other legislators were toilers, labourers and entrepreneurs. They were Bahtanisyar Basyir, Karsono Soemodihardjo, Turino Junaidy, Herkitanto Djawadi, Hanung Heru Hayoto Lagat K., Tjatur Gono, Sutaryo and Ary Dewanto. Among these legislators, ten were Muslims, three were Catholics and two were Protestants. In the election, PDIP gained seats. All elected legislators were persons never elected before except Ary Dewanto. Y. Eko Rintarjo, Hery Setyo Pamuji and Suwarto were PDIP sympathisers before they joined this party. Supardi Antono was a sympathiser of PNI and PDI prior to joining PDIP. Iriantoko Cahyo Dumadi was a former chairperson of KONI and former treasury of PSIM in Yogyakarta Municipality. Furthermore, Henry Kuncoroyekti was a former chairperson of PBVSI. Next, Chang Wendryanto was an attorney and admirer of Soekarno tenets. Andrie Subiantoro was a former member of GMNI from to , a former chairperson of the Indonesian Manager Association in DIY from to and former chairperson of the Electricity Service Cooperative in – . Sujarnoko was a former activist in FORMI and actively assisted in advocacy activities in Yogyakarta Municipality. Suharyanto was a musician. Amongst these legislators, there were seven Muslims, two Catholics and two Protestants. In the election, six out of the elected legislators were new persons. Antonius Fokki Ardiyanto was a PDI/PDIP sympathiser since he was a pupil in senior high school. Dwi Saryono was an ordinary entrepreneur and activist in some societal associations. Dwi Wahyu Budiantoro and Dewi Irawati were PDI/PDIP sympathisers prior to joining the party. Tatang Setiawan and Emanuel Ardi Prasetya were PDI Chapter VII 212 sympathisers prior to contesting the political stage and elected as DPRD legislators. Among these legislators, there were five Muslims, five Catholics and one Protestant. In the election, eight out of the elected legislators were new persons. Danang Rudiyatmoko was a former activist of GSNI, GMNI, the KBM Yogyakarta, and Gapeknas as well as the son-in-law of Endang Darmawan, the former candidate in the mayoral election. Yustinus Kelik Mulyono was a former activist of PNI and PDIP devotee prior to joining this party. Albertus Yoseph Sudarma was a former fighter for the PDIP Pro-Mega. GM Deddy Jati Setiawan was an entrepreneur and admirer of Soekarno. Mugiyono Pujo Kusumo was a former activist of PDI since he was young in . Suryani was the wife of the vice mayor Imam Priyono Dwi Putranto and former vice chairperson of the PAUD Forum in Yogyakarta Municipality. Antonius Suhartono and Febri Agung Herlambang were PDIP sympathisers prior to joining this party. Amongst these legislators, nine were Muslims, six were Catholics and none were Protestant. In interacting with society, PDIP has three kinds of centres for people services. The function of these three centres is to receive people’s aspirations and complaints related to public issues which should be solved by the municipal government. The first centre is the DPC PDIP in Yogyakarta Municipality. The second centre is the PDIP Fraction in the DPRD office. The third centre is the offices of the PAC PDIP and the village board of the party within the municipality. In addition, the party uses the forums of MUSRENBANG from the village level to the municipal level to communicate with society. People can interact and ask for assistance directly to the PDIP’s functionaries and legislators. After this party receives numerous aspirations from those people, it will safeguard the collected interests through the legislation and budgeting process. By having those three centres, each PDIP parliamentarian has a moral responsibility to take action for any problems faced by people related to BN. PDIP legislators always respond and handle people’s problems by themselves. Whenever people call them and attend their home, they will do their best in providing solutions. In Javanese philosophy, it is called “wong legan golek momongan”, someone seeks any additional works. Sujarnoko (interview, Oct. ) of PDIP said that: 1. When the Ideology is Still Vigorous: Parties and Civil Society 213 If people come and need my help, I will give them the best solution. If they didn’t understand what I suggested, I by myself will accompany them to handle their problems even come to the location directly. For instance, there was someone who called me on the phone. I didn’t know this person. He needed my help to handle his own problem at the police station where his family was a victim of a traffic accident and I went to the location two hours later after he phoned me. Furthermore, Antoniyus HW of PDIP who serves society and addresses BN affairs frequently receives lots of problems from many persons. He even obtains three problems from three different people each day. Nevertheless, it is a voluntary job. Only the ideology can convince him to do this charitable activity. As a token of appreciation, the party will provide a certain beneficial project for Antoniyus and other volunteers. Occasionally, the people who have been assisted by Antoniyus give a little bit of thanksgiving such as a pieces of bread. In education issues, Antoniyus (interview, Sept. ) often found cases related to the debt of school fees when graduation neared or the next semester approached, around May-June and December- January each year. He shared one of his experiences: I got a report, a local resident in the city has school debt. He doesn’t care about his own problem. He is afraid when he comes to the school because of his debt he will be billed by the school staff. Although I don’t know who this is, I assist him in solving his problem. I accompany him to the school by bringing the KMS-Card and the declaration letter of poor condition. The school asks him to assign the letter of the willingness to paying the debt so that his child can participate in the school exam. The problem was solved. So, society sometimes doesn’t know what they must do and from where they will start to deal with their own affairs. (interview, Sept. ) In health issues, Antoniyus has interesting experiences when he helped a patient to negotiate with a hospital official related to medical expenses. For more detail, Antoniyus (interview, Sept. ) said that: In , someone else informed me that his mother had been staying at the Bethesda Hospital for five days. The doctor said that this patient should pay the medical expenses. Then, because this mother is one of the KMS-Card holders, I negotiated with the doctor that there is a subsidy for this kind of patient from the municipal government. I somewhat insisted with my own opinion. After we debated for a long time, the doctor eventually agreed that there was no payment for this patient.” Chapter VII 214 Likewise, Chang Wendryanto of PDIP frequently spends his money on people who come to his residence, whether they are Muslims or not, or whether these people cannot pay the tuition fee for their children or they cannot pay medical expenses in the hospital, and so on. He occasionally comes directly to the location to tackle problems related to the building licence or urgent things such as helping a family who cannot bring their son’s corpse home from the hospital. However, according to Wendryanto (interview, Oct. ), we have to educate society. Although they always need our help, sometimes they do not know that their actions are wrong. Wendryanto (interview, Oct. ) shared his experience: For instance, there is someone who cannot pay his children’s fees at the school, but he can buy cigarettes and liquor. Again, somebody has a child. His child suffered cataract. After I interrogated him, his child’s disease was caused by alcohol. Another instance, I was asked to help someone who suffered a traffic accident. After I asked him to explain the cause, in fact, the victim drank alcohol. So, I didn’t want to help these people. Nonetheless, they were angry at me. For Wendryanto, he will help people who really need assistance or they are poor people. Despite being difficult, educating society is a must for PDIP. Thus, this party will help society if they frequently ask for help. As mentioned by Wendryanto (interview, Oct. ), it is not good if everything is free of charge, as there is no responsibility from society. For this party, it is better if society and the government together have the same burden to build our nation. By applying the analytical framework depicted in Figure . , the recruitment of cadres in PDIP is supplied from various mass organisations and alliances, mainly those which adopt the values of Soekarno’s Marhaenism and Pancasila, as evidenced in the social and organisational background of the elected legislators. To communicate with society, this party relies on the network of Marhaenism devotees in multireligions and minor ethnic groups. Nonetheless, the role of the party cadres and legislators is extremely significant in interacting and communicating directly with any society. 1. When the Ideology is Still Vigorous: Parties and Civil Society 215 PAN: Depending on Muhammadiyah Networks In the creation and establishment of the organisational structure of PAN in Yogyakarta Municipality, Muhammadiyah proved a vital role. This organisation invited all stakeholders to come to the PDM office to initiate and establish PAN. Many of Muhammadiyah’s cadres have been involved in this party since its establishment. The top leaders who have already led this party, Bachrun Nawawi, Sukardi Yani, Muhammad Sofyan and Heroe Poerwadi, have an emotional and cultural tie with Muhammadiyah. Personally, Nawawi was an activist in Muhammadiyah and the NGO. Yani was a former vice chairperson of PCM in the Danurejan Sub-Municipality. Sofyan at the time was an ordinary member of Muhammadiyah and currently he is serving as one of the functionaries in the PRM Patehan. Poerwadi was a former activist of PII and HMI UGM as well as a former journalist for Editor Magazine and SCTV television prior to joining PAN. There is a fourfold fundamental reason why PAN in Yogyakarta Municipality has a special tie with Muhammadiyah. First is that the PAN founder, Amien Rais, originates from this region. In addition, when the party was established in , Rais was still the top leader of the Central Board of Muhammadiyah. Second is that Muhammadiyah was born in Yogyakarta Municipality in so the teachings of this organisation influence society. Third is the Muhammadiyah tenets are widespread in society, hence, most functionaries of PAN have a cultural bond with it. Fourth is that Muhammadiyah including ‘Aisyiyah in this municipality has powerful and large networks, primarily in education and health issues as explained in Chapter III. PAN can mobilise them in dealing with political affairs. The closeness of this relationship is supported by the data demonstrating that most elected legislators of PAN in the election were activists of Muhammadiyah and ‘Aisyiyah. Sukardi Yani, in addition to serving in Muhammadiyah, was previously a former activist of HMI Yogyakarta. Moreover, Herman Dody Isdarmadi was an activist in PRM Minggiran (located in the Mantrijeron Sub-Municipality). Abdul Malik Hasan was a former activist of PII and IMM and the vice chairperson at the PDM Yogyakarta Municipality – as well. Herman Hilmy was one of the functionaries at the Council of Islamic 1.2. Chapter VII 216 Propagation and the Council of Library Affairs, both at the central board of Muhammmadiyah. Alongside with IMM, Hilmy had quelled the communist movement in the tragedy. Muhammad Hatta was an activist of the Muhammadiyah Youth and PCM, both in the Kotagede Sub-Municipality. In addition, some legislators graduated from Muhammadiyah schools such as Awang Nuryatno and Nazaruddin, where the former at the time was the vice chairperson of the Coordinating Council of the Preschool Education of Al-Quran in DIY while the latter was a former activist of HMI when he was a university student. The other was Arief Eddy Subianto who was involved in the Al- Qur’an Study Group at the Salman Mosque, Bandung and the former chairperson of the Karang Taruna in Bandung. Meanwhile, R. Soehardiman was a former chairperson of the Black Belt Assembly of INKAI in the Provincial Board of DIY and the head of the RW IV in the Kelurahan of Notoprajan. In the election, seven out of the nine elected legislators were new persons. First was Iriawan Argo Widodo who was a former general chairperson of the Muhammadiyah Youth in Yogyakarta Municipality and former head of the office of the central board of Muhammadiyah. Arif Noor Hartanto was an activist of the Muhammadiyah Youth and PCM, both in the Kotagede Sub-Municipality. Sri Kustantini was a former activist of ‘Aisyiyah. Siti Majmu’ah was a former teacher in some Muhammadiyah schools and former activist of ‘Aisyiyah at the levels of the Jetis Sub-Municipality and Yogyakarta Municipality. Nur Rosyidah was a former activist of the ‘Aisyiyah Karangkajen and former worker of UMY. Yusron Achmadi was a former activist of Muhammadiyah Gondomanan and Nunik Yohana was culturally close to the Amien Rais family prior to being elected as a legislator. In the election, all five elected legislators were new persons. First was Rifki Listianto who was an activist at the PRM Patehan and the PCM Kraton. Muhammad Fursan was a chairperson at the PRM Kauman and member of Tapak Suci since until present. Muhammad Ali Fahmi was a former activist of the Muhammadiyah Youth in Yogyakarta Municipality – and PCM of the Kotagede Sub- Municipality – , both serving as a treasury. Outside Muhammadiyah, Fahmi was active as one of the functionaries of the RW in the Kelurahan of Prenggan. Moreover, Zulnasri originated from 1. When the Ideology is Still Vigorous: Parties and Civil Society 217 Padang, West Sumatera and one of the admirers of Amien Rais, and therefore, he is culturally close to Muhammadiyah. Agung Damar Kusumandaru was a former chairperson of the Muhammadiyah Youth and the former vice chairperson of the Karang Taruna, both in the Jetis Sub-Municipality. Kusumandaru had served as the chairperson of the Brajamusti Supporter of PSIM, one of the football organisations in Yogyakarta. In the election, one out of the five elected legislators was a new person. She was Estri Utami, the activist of ‘Aisyiyah at the levels of the Ranting of Bausasran and the Danurejan Sub-Municipality. Utami was also involved in a women’s social organisation namely PKK in the Kelurahan of Bausasran. Previously, when Utami was a pupil at the school she was a former activist in ROHIS. This closeness between PAN and Muhammadiyah was recognised by Aris Madani, the chairperson of Muhammadiyah in Yogyakarta Municipality. Madani (interview, Sept. ) said that: PAN usually coordinates with us for various interests rather than other parties. When PDM invited Muslim legislators in a certain forum, PAN cadres usually show their commitment by attending this forum. There are two parties which always send letters to us to ask for an official meeting, PAN and PPP. The purpose of the meeting is socialising their new functionaries and the consolidation on a particular issue. They come to us, at least, four times each year. Regarding the way the party interacts with civil society, PAN prefers being close and using the powerful network of Muhammadiyah rather than other organisations. PAN and Muhammadiyah usually carry out two sorts of consolidation. First are ceremonial meetings. Both conduct various planned-official meetings for dealing with some local issues such as the candidacy in the mayoral election, public hearings, discussing municipal regulations and budgets as well as the socialisation of new functionaries of PAN. Through this forum, the party will receive aspirations and complaints delivered by Muhammadiyah elites. The consolidation is not merely carried out by the board at the municipal level but also by the sub-municipality and the ranting board levels. Second are cultural forums. Numerous unofficial forums are held such as Islamic teachings for Muhammadiyah followers at the grassroots level where the speaker is a PAN cadre. Other informal meetings are Chapter VII 218 also conducted between PAN and Muhammadiyah young generations in various events. Muhammadiyah could be categorised as the traditionalist voter base for PAN. One of the elected PAN legislators, Rifki Listianto (interview, Sept. ), said that using the network of Muhammadiyah and ‘Aisyiyah is an extremely effective way to attract people’s support to vote PAN. He said that: Once again, I said this net is effective in the context that I am a PAN politician. I cannot say it is also effective if I am politician outside PAN because the history of the establishment of the DPC PAN in was founded by Muhammadiyah activists, including in the Kraton Sub-Municipality where I am dwelling right now. Fortunately, the emotional bond is remaining in a good way. I optimise this net. In addition, ‘Aisyiyah has lots of pengajians. It is also more effective than other networks. Thus, for me, keeping the network with Muhammadiyah is easier than with other links. (interview, Sept. ) Listianto’s statement was also confirmed by Aris Madani that PAN is the sole party which usually struggles for Muhammadiyah interests. Muhammadiyah aspirations are always responded to and fought by PAN, whether in the legislation or in the budgeting. (interview, Sept. ) Himmatus Sudja’ah, the chairwoman of ‘Aisyiyah in Yogyakarta Municipality strengthened Madani’s testimony. According to Sudja’ah (interview, Oct. ), ‘Aisyiyah also delivers its interests to PAN related to education, health, environment and women affairs when they are meeting together in an informal forum such as when legislators have a reses time. She stated that: Although PAN does not assist us fully, it always fulfils our invitation to discuss any topics such as on the legislation draft of Keistimewaan (specialness) of Yogyakarta or the issue related to green movements. Sometimes, they provide lots of trees for our kindergartens. (interview, Oct. ) Meanwhile, to approach other communities outside Muhammadiyah, PAN uses a forum of reses and public hearings for society. Approaching local leaders in society and spending the financial support for mosques or charitable activities are also an effective means to attract public support. 1. When the Ideology is Still Vigorous: Parties and Civil Society 219 Hence, by applying the analytical framework as pictured in Figure . , the recruitment of cadres in PAN mainly comes from Muhammadiyah and ‘Aisyiyah networks and a few others from Muslim modernist organisations such as HMI and PII. To interact and communicate with society, this party prefers to utilise the networks of Muhammadiyah and ‘Aisyiyah as well as other cultural and informal forums with segments outside these two organisations. Of course, the role of the party elites and legislators is significant enough to attract popular votes. PAN could be classified as one of the influential parties in Yogyakarta Municipality. The party seems to represent moderate Muslims and rational voters. PKS: Maximising Liqo’ Linkages Numerous activists of Jemaah Tarbiyah who are involved in LDK and KAMMI have vital roles in the institution of PKS in Yogyakarta Municipality. Most of its founders are dominated by former activists in those two organisations, particularly the LDK Jamaah Shalahuddin of UGM. Mohammad Ilyas was the first secretary of the DPD PKS in Yogyakarta Municipality – . On March nd, , he confirmed through personal communication that: Almost all core functionaries of the DPD PK/PKS in Yogyakarta Municipality in the outset of its establishment are former activists of LDK, primarily originating from Jamaah Shalahudin of UGM. Basuki Abdurrahman who served as the first chairperson of the DPD PKS in Yogyakarta Municipality was a former activist of Jamaah Shalahuddin from to and one of the national founders of KAM- MI. Moreover, Mohammad Ilyas was also a former activist of Jamaah Shalahuddin from to and part of the KAJASHA since until present. Muhammad Wajdi Rahman, the only elected legislator of PK in , was a former general chairperson of Jamaah Shalahuddin from to . 1.3. For further accounts on the existence of Jamaah Shalahuddin, see Karim ( : - ). Chapter VII 220 In the election, there were five elected legislators from PKS. All of them were new persons. First was Dwi Budi Utomo who was a da’wa activist since the RISMA when he was studying at secondary school. At the campus level, Utomo was a former activist of the SKI at the Faculty of Animal Husbandry UGM in the s. The SKI is a continuing ROHIS or the da’wa institute in the campus. Moreover, Zuhrif Hudaya preferred to involve his da’wa activities amongst society through its own NGO or foundation rather than on campus. Furthermore, Ardianto started as the da’wa activist in ROHIS when he was studying in secondary school. He continued his da’wa activities on campus and society. Therefore, he was a former activist of the JMF UGM, the FSRMY Yogyakarta and the FUI DIY. Ahmad Nur Umam is currently serving as the official at the SDIT Luqman Hakim and the vice president of the Genpro in the region of Central Java and DIY. Ida Nur Laela was a former activist of PII in the Wonogiri District, HMI UGM and the Al Khairaat Foundation. In , three out of the five elected legislators were new persons. First was Muhammad Syafi’i who was a former activist of the Muhammadiyah Youth and PRM, both in the Kampung of Suronatan. Outside Muhammadiyah, he was active in the FSRMY, the KMP UGM and the DMI. Moreover, Muhammad Fauzan started his da’wa activities when he was involved in ROHIS of the SMA Negeri I Teladan Yogyakarta. He continued his da’wa activities into wider organisations inside and outside campus such as the SKI at the Department of Chemical Engineering UGM and the FSRMY. There were no data on Azizah since her death in . By , two out of the four elected legislators were new persons. First was Bambang Anjar Jalurmurti. He began his da’wa activities when he was a pupil in senior high school and joined one of the functionaries at the FKPMY. He also was a former activist of the Muhammadiyah Youth and the Karang Taruna as well as a former member of the Predication Institute at the Greater Syuhada Mosque Yogyakarta. Despite not being structurally involved in LDK, Jalurmurti often assisted with various activities held by Jamaah Salahuddin while studying at UGM. Second was Nasrul Khoiri, the former activist of the KAMMI UAD. In society, Khoiri was one of the functionaries at the Khairunnisa Mosque, Ponggalan Giwangan (located in the Umbulharjo Sub- 1. When the Ideology is Still Vigorous: Parties and Civil Society 221 Municipality). Some top leaders of PKS at the sub-municipality levels were former activists of LDK. Wartono (interview, Nov. ), the chairperson of the DPC PKS in the Umbulharjo Sub-Municipality – , was a former activist of the RISMA and also the former chairperson of the LDK UKKI Jamaah Basmallah of UST in . LDK and KAMMI are organisations which supply cadres for PKS in Yogyakarta Municipality. Thus, it is not surprising that there is a close tie between PKS and LDK-KAMMI. In addition, some elites of PKS have actively worked in Muhammadiyah institutions such as Abdurrahman who was a lecturer at the Faculty of Mathematics and Natural Science UAD and former advisor for the LDK JADDA of UAD, Hudaya who had toiled at the private hospital of RSU PKU Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta and Syafi’i who was a former teacher at the Mu’allimin Muhammadiyah Islamic Boarding School of Yogyakarta. PKS also attracts popular votes from some Muhammadiyah sympathisers. Concerning the relationship between Muhammadiyah and PKS in Yogyakarta Municipality, it is not as good as between Muhammadiyah and PAN. After the election PKS issued some opposing decisions with Muhammadiyah related to religious affairs such as the establishment of the first day in the Ramadhan and Shawwal months. In addition, the existence of PKS’ cadres in various Muhammadiyah institutions, mainly in schools, colleges and health centres does not support the Muhammadiyah vision. Despite working in those institutions, cadres and sympathisers of PKS criticise and even vilify this organisation. Muhammadiyah does not consider PKS as an effective partner but like “a thorn in the flesh”. Hence, a series of negative impressions are always delivered by elites, cadres and followers of Muhammadiyah towards this party. The concealed conflicts suffered by both are frequent on various issues. Such a relationship has been continuing until the present. Only a few sympathisers of Muhammadiyah support PKS, as most of them tend to be close to PAN, PPP and other nationalistsecular parties. As an alternative strategy, this party strengthens the linkages of liqo’ or halaqah as the core method to infiltrate the party ideology. Therefore, most elites of PKS are murabbis in the liqo’ linkages. Members in each liqo’ consist of five persons, a small and intensive group. This forum is, usually, routine and conducted primarily in a mosque or Chapter VII 222 musholla. Occasionally, the meeting can be organised in a home or another place. The content of liqo’ generally is studying related to Islamic doctrines and knowledge, particularly to strengthen the faith. Through this forum, the party consolidation is quite effective to unite the existing forces. The socialisation, direct-communication, clarification due to misperception and critique can be found in this forum to evaluate the party performance and to re-build and re-arrange the new strategies in dealing with various challenges and barriers in the future. Thus, the function of liqo’ is twofold: as the channel for observing Islamic knowledge and the consolidation of the party. Dwi Budi Utomo (interview, Sept. ) said: PKS itself began from the liqo’. Thorugh this forum, the bond amongst of us is becoming stronger and stronger. We have a weekly liqo’ for active cadres. In this forum, we found communication. In this forum, we found socialisation. In this forum, we found internal critique. In this forum, we found everything. The core activity is ngaji, learning Islamic studies, after that, doing coordination and discussing misperception. Still according to Utomo (interview, Sept. ), this party also has a monthly meeting among the party cadres. It is set up for the socialisation of the Munas decisions or for preparing for technical issues of the upcoming Muswil or Musda. It is a must for the PKS’ cadres to have a role as an ustadz, a muballigh or, at least, a public figure who can motivate and influence society. For this party, pengajian is an effective bridge to gain popular support from people. Moreover, as stated by Utomo (interview, Sept. ), becoming a local leader and an influential figure among society at the RT and RW levels are helpful to raise the party image and vote. In addition to strengthen the liqo’ networks, this party also has a close linkage with the JSIT. Numerous elites of PKS are founders and counsellors of foundations which have a concern in establishing and developing IT schools. Zuhrif Hudaya and Cholid Mahmud are counsellors of the Mulia Foundation. Mahmud himself was one of the founders of the DPW PKS in DIY. Afterwards, Sukamta, the general chairperson of the DPW PKS in DIY – , was one the founders of the Muadz bin Jabal Foundation. In addition, Hudaya alongside with Abdurrahman are also counsellors of the Al Khairaat Foundation. Furthermore, Wartono was one of the boards at the Islamic Boarding 1. When the Ideology is Still Vigorous: Parties and Civil Society 223 School of Al Khairaat for male students from to . These three foundations (Al Khairaat, Mulia, Muadz bin Jabal) are interconnected consortiums under the coordination of JSIT Yogyakarta. The proximity between PKS and the JSIT was admitted by Sudiyatna (interview, Nov. ) of JSIT. He stated that there is a twofold reason for this near relationship. First is the similarity of the organisational background between the PKS activists and the JSIT activists that they originated from LDK. Sudiyatna was also a former activist of LDK in Yogyakarta. Second is they have a similar culture, a similar attitude and a similar way of thinking. Sudiyatna (interview, Nov. ) said: If the JSIT has some interests related to the parliament, we prefer to communicate directly with the PKS Fraction. The reason is simple, we have a lot of buddies and colleagues in PKS. So, it is easy for us to do this, I mean to interact. Not surprisingly, PKS will struggle for the JSIT’s interests related to education in the legislation and budgeting process. In other words, if PAN will strive for the Muhammadiyah schools, PKS will struggle for the IT schools. Hence, to interact and communicate with society, this party has two steps. First is the internal consolidation among PKS’ cadres by applying the liqo’ forum. After the first step, the party will continue with the external interaction, by inviting common society and local elders at a certain time and for a specific purpose. It is usually conducted when legislators are doing the reses. Meanwhile, in the election, this party uses three routes to interact and communicate with society. The first route is conducted by the legislative candidates. The second route is carried out by the party cadres. The third route is operated by volunteers who have a desire to assist the party in winning the election. According to Muhammad Syafi’i (interview, Nov. ) of PKS, where there is an elite or cadre of PKS in a particular place, a base of voters and sympathisers of the party will be found. Therefore, this party also receives aspirations and complaints from society and, in turn, communicates those problems with the related municipal agencies. By adopting the triangle framework as displayed in Figure . , the core actors who mobilise the party power are supplied mainly by LDK and KAMMI. The way the PKS interacts with society tends to follow Chapter VII 224 three paths: maximising the net of liqo’ or halaqah, strengthening the IT school networks by providing a positive impression to the public and promoting the devout figure of the party elites, cadres and legislator candidates. PKS is a considerable party in Yogyakarta Municipality, particularly since . This party tends to represent moderate Muslims and rational voters together with PAN with a few different segments of voters. Having Variant Bonds: Parties and Economic Society After analysing the way parties interact and communicate with civil society, this section will continue to examine the way they interact with economic society. Although the power resource in post-authoritarian Indonesia is money (Winters, : p. ) and most of Indonesia’s parties are becoming vitally dependent on the financial aid of individuals or conglomerates with large private fortunes (Reuter, : pp. – ), parties in local politics are not entirely co-opted by resources when the municipal system is governed well. Being the governing party or the opposition party determines its relationship with such a society. From the data gathering and the respondent interviews, this study postulates that parties and economic society have different ties which will be addressed further. PDIP: Attempting to Struggle for Wong Cilik? PDIP is well-known as the advocate of wong cilik including ordinary labourers, small toilers and the like. Nonetheless, this became complicated when this party stood up for labourers who toiled in the industries of nightclubs, discotheques, casinos, drug trade and prostitution as explained in Chapter VI. On the one hand, between and the municipal government desired to close those locations and issued local regulation related to this concern to realise better municipal governance. On the other hand, PDIP rejected this plan because labourers who worked in those locations would be unemployed. Although PDIP did not seem to be too extreme in rejecting the municipal government 2. 2.1. 2. Having Variant Bonds: Parties and Economic Society 225 plan, it encouraged demonstrations in the streets carried out by people who toiled in those industries. Allegedly, the PDIP refusal related to the loss of income of some its elites who have such industries or they have special ties with one of the conglomerates in those industries. This was also acknowledged by Syukri Fadholi (interview, Oct. ). In the same vein, the relocation of PKLs and traditional markets in – around Malioboro Street and the Shopping Centre by the municipal government was rejected by people. A number of demonstrations occurred in the city. PDIP was also allegedly behind such demonstrations because some PDIP functionaries are bosses of those locations. Therefore, the PDIP actions in this context are not purely related to people-friendly policies (kebijakan pro-rakyat) but rather some elites having business interests. In other situations, PDIP could demonstrate its support of wong cilik when it copes with the emergence of modern markets. In the rapid changes of the urban area, such markets mushroom in various corners inside the municipality such as Indomart and Alfamart. This fact, of course, affects the existence of economic societies in Yogyakarta Municipality and most of them are dominated by small and medium enterprises (UMKM) such as street-based vendors or small traders which have been there prior to the modern markets. PDIP will address whoever wants to harm toilers. According to Sutaryo (interview, Sept. ) of PDIP, discussing issues related to the wong cilik is also discussing on ideology or identity. His party will always stand for such vendors. He stated: In the past, I forget the exact year, or , our party had insisted to those modern markets inside the Tugu train station to close their business immediately. Their existence harmed the small vendors which sell wares surrounding that market because these tiny vendors obtained incomes merely from those wares. If it is so, where is the PDIP backing? We almost fought with the bosses of that modern market. We did this, because we have analysed the problems and lobbied interrelated stakeholders and didn’t gain a solution. All processes have been passed through. So, we are not blind. (interview, Sept. ) Nevertheless, PDIP will be lenient to cope with the street vendors if it also involves other stakeholders to discuss and to seek the best solution for them. This can be seen in the case of the relocation of street-based vendors around the Beringharjo traditional market in , where Chapter VII 226 since Taman Pintar has been established in this location. At the time, PDIP was one of the core government partners in addressing the case. Hence, based on the consideration of renovation, spatial and aesthetics of the municipality, this party seriously analyses the case entirely, because relocation involves a lot of people, not merely the vendors and small labourers, but also parking officers, security officers, local gangs, local bosses and so on. What is it supposed to do, Sutaryo (interview, Sept. ) questioned, since the income of most toilers who laboured in this location will be reduced automatically. Therefore, for PDIP, it is not easy and a long process is needed to deal one by one, step by step in order to gain the best result for all sides. In coping with economic affairs, most PDIP elites, cadres and legislators will struggle for and stand for the wong cilik interests. Most of them are involved directly with the case and the location. Chang Wendryanto confirmed this when he was asked by the ABY to assist some toilers who suffered unfair treatments which were conducted by a particular entrepreneur in Malioboro Street. Kirnadi (interview, Oct. ) said: We have already communicated with Pak Chang. After we reported him regarding the case of toilers in one of the Batik stores in the Malioboro Street, Pak Chang came to the store directly. The specific case is that the company did not want to pay the toilers’ wages based on the UMR-standard, and those toilers were not insured yet by the BPJS. When we came to the municipal labour agency, the response was too slow. We eventually reported to the DPRD and were facilitated by Pak Chang. Pak Chang threatened and insisted that this company pay the wages based on the regulation and were obligated to register its toilers with the BPJS. According to Wendryanto (interview, Oct. ), the slogan of the wong cilik nonetheless should be interpreted in a precise context. The wong cilik is not merely translated as poorer people in a vulnerable situation, but also as the precise people who deserves to be helped. Wendryanto (interview, Oct. ) gave an example that one day in the past there was a vendor of angkringan who placed his wage/cart in a banned zone. Consequently, all of his assets were taken by the local authority. This seller asked Wendryanto to help him and even asked for money as compensation for the loss of all of his assets. Wendryanto did not want to help him as this person behaved wrongly. Thus, people frequently judged Wendryanto as the legislator who did not protect the 2. Having Variant Bonds: Parties and Economic Society 227 wong cilik. Another instance, as stated by Wendryanto (interview, Oct. ), is an angkringan vendor who put his cart right in the front of a shop. The face of the shop cannot be seen by people or purchasers and, in turn, it will incur losses. Thus, Wendryanto prefers to stand up for that shop rather than the angkringan, because if the shop fires, at least, more than five toilers, the unemployment will increase. It is, in fact, an awkward choice and a dilemma for Wendryanto. In the context of education affairs, PDIP legislators will respond to all problems from any society, particularly lower-class people who cannot pay all their finances. At the level of institutions, schools affiliated structurally with Christians and Protestants prefer to align themselves with this party. Andar Rujito (interview, Oct. ), the headmaster of the SMA Bopkri I in Yogyakarta Municipality, stated that: In the past, one of the legislators who frequently communicated with me and asked about this school is Pak Chang. It is because we are in the same organisation, hence, we are often meeting one another. I really like the sincerity of Pak Chang. In addition, I was also close with Pak Dwi Saryono. I know more about PDIP as many of my buddies are inside. I also know the dynamics of the election and the candidacy of Sidarto Danusubroto, the PDIP cadre. PAN: Towards a Proportional Cooperation In the early – municipal administration, PAN in some major cases had a poor relationship with the business groups inside the municipality, mainly related to the industry of nightclubs, discotheques, casinos and PKL. This was the impact of the decision made by the municipal government on the closing of those social illness spots and the relocation of street-based vendors surrounding Malioboro Street as explained in Chapter VI. Nevertheless, the relationship between PAN and the business groups experienced a change mainly since the second period of Zudianto. In line with the successful municipal administration in making various overwhelming developments in Yogyakarta Municipality, the business groups attempted to build communication and interaction with PAN. This is because PAN is the governing party which controls the regime. Muhammad Sofyan (interview, Oct. ) said: 2.2. Chapter VII 228 It is not true that the business group closes PAN, as this group prefers to align directly with the municipal government as the executor of the programme. If there is sugar, there is an ant. If Zudianto is sugar, the businessmen are a group of ants who chase the sugar. But, PAN remain to communicate with this cluster,” The relationship between PAN and this profit-oriented group tends to move into a proportional cooperation if one of them needs each other, they will contact others first. The proportional relationship denotes the pattern of a normal partnership amongst of them: no special bond. Therefore, the relationship is based on a particular interest, whether PAN needs them or they need PAN. For instance, if the DPRD discusses a certain local regulation related to business issues, PAN will invite them to share and discuss together. Heroe Poerwadi (interview, June ) said: If we want to discuss issues related to advertisement, we invite our buddies who work in this business. If we want to know more about tourism, we have buddies in Dagadu. With local businessmen, we also communicate with them, including owners of the hotels of melati (kinds of hotels under three stars with an affordable price). We sometimes receive a discount price when we use their hotels, or they give us cash money for using the hotel. Poerwadi (interview, June ) added that occasionally when PAN wants to produce banners for political campaign events, it will obtain a cheap price, even free of charge, from those entrepreneurs. Furthermore, Poerwadi shared another experience: There is an entrepreneur of the massage service who comes to us. He complains about why his business is categorised in the entertainment cluster. Instead, he asked that his business be classified in the health group. This is due to the tax for the entertainment business which is more expensive than health. I asked him to come again tomorrow to the PAN Fraction in order to be assisted and resolve the situation. (interview, Sept. ) Since PAN has serviced business clusters with a quite good relationship, this group, in turn, assists PAN by providing funds or incidental donations for party events. Afterwards, PAN also made quite an impression with the small and medium-sized enterprise groups (UMKM) so that this community occasionally invites PAN’s legislators to come to their community. Muhammad Ali Fahmi of PAN stated that: 2. Having Variant Bonds: Parties and Economic Society 229 I was often invited by them (UMKM), by the owners of catering, by the owners of food stalls and so on. They deliver their own aspirations to me, they ask for the funds to the DPRD for creating an enterprise, they ask to be facilitated in the training and also asking for an exhibition for their properties outside Yogyakarta and so on and so forth. (interview, Sept. ) Regarding the relationship between PAN and business clusters with education and health concerns, this party always keeps in touch with Muhammadiyah networks. In addition to becoming a socio-religious organisation, Muhammadiyah, in fact, is also the legal foundation for all kinds of commercial industries across the country, including Yogyakarta Municipality. The real advocacy which was carried out by PAN to Muhammadiyah in this city can be seen when the party continuously struggles for the importance of the equality of BOSDA between public and private schools, as the number of schools belonging to Muhammadiyah within the municipality is highest amongst private schools. Moreover, with any recent developments related particularly to education issues, PAN will coordinate with Muhammadiyah and inform this organisation immediately. Afterwards, many people, with children as pupils in the Muhammadiyah schools, speak up about their problems. Most problems are related to the high tuition fee and other additional payments. The closeness between PAN and business clusters is also due to some local entrepreneurs being activists of Muhammadiyah and ‘Aisyiyah. Some of them are functionaries in PAN. Specifically, Sunardi Sahuri is a religious scholar of Muhammadiyah and the owner of the Pamella Group, one of the largest stores in Yogyakarta Municipality. Moreover, there are Latifah Iskandar and Totok Daryanto. The former is an activist of ‘Aisyiyah and the owner of the Flora and Ar-Rossi stores and the latter is the owner of some private businesses. Both were former PAN national legislators from the DIY Province. The other is Dyah Suminar, the owner of the Margaria Group and the wife of Herry Zudianto. These PAN cadres are local leading entrepreneurs. Nevertheless, the tie between PAN and those entrepreneurs follow a reciprocal pattern. Chapter VII 230 PKS: Tending towards Less Partnership PKS has never held any position in the municipal administration, neither the mayor nor the vice mayor. The relationship between this party and the municipal administration tends to be situated in formal and structural approaches. The interaction takes place merely in arranged and scheduled forums such as the meeting between executive and legislative, between the executive and the DPRD’s commission, or between the municipal agency and certain commissions/fractions. All those meetings occur in a formal-structural way. In addition, most PKS politicians do not come from the business environment. They are, in fact, from campuses and the da’wa activities which have no direct interaction with economic affairs. This can also be seen in the personal background of the PKS’ politicians which was elaborated previously in this chapter. When they are involved in da’wa activities, they tend to observe merely Islamic studies and a few secular topics. Economic clusters do not consider this party as an influential force in business issues. Thus, those business groups will make contact directly with the municipal administration as the central policy-maker. PKS isolates itself from business affairs. Zuhrif Hudaya of PKS said that: With the business clusters, we have no interaction with them. During ten years (as the legislator in the DPRD in Yogyakarta Municipality), I felt we never dealt with those businessmen, mainly related to education and health issues. (interview, Oct. ) Hudaya’s statement is strengthened by Dwi Budi Utomo (interview, Sept. ) of PKS that the low interaction with business clusters is a weakness of his party. It cannot be separated from the fact that most vast business companies in Yogyakarta Municipality are owned by Chinese people. Thus, the communication process which was created by PKS is still among young entrepreneurs inside the party. Utomo (interview, Sept. ) confirmed: Approaching outside professional industrialists is not yet occurring. It is our weakness. It is a good suggestion for us to make contact with them. The party programmes planned by PKS related to economic issues still have an inward-looking orientation. They have no external relations 2.3. 2. Having Variant Bonds: Parties and Economic Society 231 with those professional businesses. Nevertheless, changes are happening in this party. Some PKS’ elites personally have been starting to involve themselves in the business world. For example, the business of water drinking was initiated by Muhammad Syafi’i of PKS since . When the Author met him at the office of the DPD PKS in Yogyakarta Municipality, a delivery service car approaches this office and brought drinking bottles. At the time, the Author asked Syafi’i (interview, Nov. ): “What is that, Sir? Do you order those drinking bottles for this office?” He replied: No, no, no. That’s mine, my little business. I started this business last year ( ), mostly for additional income. This brief example shows the importance of doing practical business has been experienced by a few elites inside the party. Nonetheless, it is cannot be said whether this party will continue with business issues in the party agenda seriously or will be carried out merely by individuals in party cadres. In addition, since PKS had its own candidate in the mayoral election, some business clusters attempted to approach PKS. But, it was merely a short relationship in the mayoral election moment. As a result, PKS prefers to close to IT schools as representatives of business clusters. Although both of them have no structural relationship, the existence of the IT schools as one of the leading education institutions inside Yogyakarta Municipality, more or less, strengthens the positive image of PKS. The party will support the development of IT schools through its role in the legislation and budgeting process. Salim (interview, Oct. ) of the SMPIT Abu Bakar Yogyakarta said that a few years ago, through the PKS Fraction, the IT schools delivered their aspirations regarding the teacher incentive not merely for teachers of public schools but also for teachers of private schools. The incentive was eventually provided also for private teachers. Moreover, other proof which shows the close bond is that most children of the PKS’ elites are attending those IT institutions. Salim (interview, Oct. ) said: The direct intervention of PKS in the IT schools is nothing, as we don’t have a structural relationship with the party. But, a cultural tie is, indeed, available. Some of our teachers are active in PKS, also in Muhammadiyah, Chapter VII 232 also in NU. There is no ban to engage in any organisations. But, when they are inside the IT, they should follow our regulations. TRIKASWANI: Kampung Santri in the Root of Marhaen As an outcome of the parties’ interaction with society, it is important to highlight here the existence of abangan on the one hand and santri on the other hand. In order to ease the analysis, the base of the modernist santri and Jemaah Tarbiyah will be unified into one group, santri, as the former is the representative of the old-santri and the latter is the representative of the new-santri. It is undeniable that all data demonstrate that Yogyakarta Municipality is the core base of abangan or Marhaen. Hence, this study explores the so-called “kampung santri”. Literally, the term “kampung” does not denote a particular territory, but it pictures a societal community consisting of a surrounding group (RW) or some surrounding groups (RWs) having a similar culture and practice. Therefore, kampung santri could be defined as the centre of devout Muslim communities to carry out various Islamic and da’wa activities. Prior to deciding the selected kampung santri, this study portrays the political cleavage in Yogyakarta Municipality, as the election is a mirror of the political power. The political cleavage consists of two opposite forces: santri and abangan. The santri forces embrace two kinds of parties: first, parties which adopt Islam as their ideological foundation; and second, parties supported and elected by a majority of Muslim voters. On the other hand, the abangan forces contain all parties outside the first category whether secular Muslims, Christian-Catholic and so on. In the election, there were Islam-based parties and secular parties. In , there were seven Islam-based parties and secular parties. By , there were nine Islam-based parties and secular parties. In , there were five Islam-based parties and seven secular parties. 3. 3. TRIKASWANI: Kampung Santri in the Root of Marhaen 233 The Comparison of Electoral Votes between Islam-based Parties and Secular Parties in Yogyakarta Municipality, – Year of Election Total of Valid Votes Muslim Political Forces Non-Muslim Political Forces Votes Votes , , . , . , , . , . , , . , . . , . , . Source: compiled by the author. Table . depicts how abangan forces are always dominant in the four election cycles compared to santri forces. In particular, the highest percentage reached by the secular group was in while the highest proportion obtained by the Muslim group was in . In contrast, the lowest percentage earned by the secular group was in while the lowest proportion gained by the Muslim group was in . In addition, the PDIP vote in the provincial legislative election in Yogyakarta Municipality was also leading. Even the vote for one legislator candidate originated from PDIP, Chang Wendryanto, can exceed other party votes. The total vote of PDIP in Yogyakarta Municipality in for the provincial legislative election was , while Wendryanto himself earned , votes. PAN in this municipality ranked second with , votes while other parties’ votes were under Wendryanto’s vote. In the context of the Regional’s Representative Council (DPD) election, Sidarto Danusubroto, the PDIP cadre, ranked third in this municipality after GKR Hemas, the wife of Hamengkubuwono X, who was first and Muhammad Afnan Hadikusumo, the Muhammadiyah cadre and the former PAN politician, who was second. In fourth place was Cholid Mahmud, the founder of PKS in the DIY Province. Meanwhile, in the presidential election, the candidate nominated by PDIP, Joko Widodo-Jusuf Kalla, could defeat its rival, Prabowo Subianto-Hatta Rajasa supported by Gerindra, Golkar, Democrat, PAN, PKS and other parties in this municipality. Table . Chapter VII 234 There are three kinds of plausible considerations to classify a certain location as kampung santri. First is a historical reason when the location has historical values or is a heritage site created by earlier Muslim scholars. Second is a socio-religious reason when the location is the core base for devout Muslim activities. There is a twofold indication for this second consideration: ) many resources of ulama, ustadz and mubaligh originate from the location; ) numerous Islamic institutions inside the location are the centre for Muslim activities such as schools/colleges, Islamic boarding schools, mosques and prayer rooms, economic centres and the like. Third is a political reason in reference to the four election cycles. Based on these three considerations, this study selects six locations which can be categorised as kampung santri: Kauman, Karangkajen, Kotagede, Suronatan, Warungboto and Nitikan. They can be abbreviated into one term: “TRIKASWANI”. The “TRIKA” denotes the first three locations while the “SWANI” are the rest. First is Kauman. This is one of the historical centres located right in the western part of the Alun-Alun Lor of Yogyakarta Municipality, precisely in the Kelurahan of Ngupasan, Gondomanan. Muhammadiyah is the core base in Kauman as it was born on this site. Many religious scholars originated from here, such as Ahmad Dahlan, Siti Walidah, Fakhruddin, Ki Bagus Hadikusumo, Ahmad Bawadi, Faqih Usman, AR Fachruddin, Djarnawi Hadikusumo and Ahmad Azhar Basyir. The first three names have been recognised officially by the central government as Indonesia’s national heroes. The main symbol of Muslim activities is Masjid Gedhe (Greater Mosque). Some religious heritage sites can be found in this location: the Langgar KHA Dahlan, the Langgar ‘Aisyiyah, the Langgar Ar-Rosyad and the Langgar An- Nur. All of these prayer rooms were established prior to Indonesia’s independence. Located at the border of the area is PKU Muhammadiyah Hospital, one of the leading hospitals established since . In addition, the grave of Siti Walidah is located in the western mosque. Thus, Kauman has recently become one of the places for historical sightseeing within the city. Education activities in Kauman began since the establishment of the TK ABA Kauman in , located in the western mosque. Some references stated this kindergarten was the first kindergarten in Indonesia. Moreover, in , the SD Muhammadiyah Kauman was es- 3. TRIKASWANI: Kampung Santri in the Root of Marhaen 235 tablished by Ahmad Dahlan, located in the southern mosque. Widespread in this location is female pupil dormitories of the Mu’allimaat Muhammadiyah Boarding School. Furthermore, the result of the municipal legislative election portrays that PDIP was the leading party in the Kelurahan of Ngupasan earning , votes, followed by PAN with votes, Gerindra with votes, Democrat with votes, PPP with votes and PKS with votes. Hence, Islam-based parties cannot dominate this kelurahan, as they merely collected . percent of the vote. Thus, the santri values seem to experience a decrease. This is likely due to the decrease in the number of Muslim scholars inside Kauman and the influence of modern life, where Kauman is located near Malioboro Street, the centre of city tourism and trading. Second is Karangkajen. This is one of the kampungs located in the Kelurahan of Brontokusuman, Mergangsan. Muslim activities in this location are quite vigorous due to the influence of the da’wa of Muhammdiyah since the s. The existence of the Karangkajen Greater Mosque since at the heart of the area strengthens the devotion of its society. Right at the western side of this mosque, there is a graveyard with some Muslim scholars such as Ahmad Dahlan, AR Fachruddin (one of the former chairpersons of the central board of Muhammadiyah), Prof. Fatchurrochman (the former minister of Indonesia’s religious affairs) and Ir. HM. Baried Ishom (one of the founders of the PKU Muhammadiyah Hospital). Education activities for Muslims inside the location can be seen with the existence of the TK ABA Karangkajen. At the primary school level, there are two buildings of the SD Muhammadiyah Karangkajen established since . Furthermore, there are two kinds of junior high schools: the SMP Muhammadiyah and the MTs Karangkajen. The result of the municipal legislative election revealed that PPP was the ruling party in the Kelurahan of Brontokusuman obtaining , votes, followed by PAN with , votes, Gerindra with , votes, PDIP with votes, Golkar with votes and PKS with votes. Overall, Islam-based parties can defeat secular parties in this kelurahan reaching . percent. Third is “Kotagede”. The term “Kotagede” in this context does not denote an administrative territory but the framework of the Kotagede Chapter VII 236 culture in the surrounding traditional market found in the southern end of the sub-municipality, particularly in two kelurahans: Prenggan and Purbayan. Numerous brilliant religious scholars originated from this location. Moreover, the existence of several Islamic boarding schools is proof that this location is the base of observant Muslims. There are five Islamic boarding schools (pesantren) which are widespread in this area: Fauzul Muslimin, Nurul Ummah, Hidayatul Mubtadi’ien, Quthiba and Tahfidz Centre PPA Darul Qur’an. The education activities start at the kindergarten level, such as in TK ABA Tegalgendu, TK ABA Mushola, TK ABA Kleco, TK ABA Komplek Masjid Perak, TK Ma’had Islamy, TK ABA Purbayan, TK ABA Dalem and TK ABA Depokan. At the primary school level, there are SD Muhammadiyah Bodon, SD Muhammadiyah Purbayan, MI Ma’had Islamy and three units of SD Muhammadiyah Kleco. Moreover, SMP Muhammadiyah and MTs Nurul Ummah are activity centres for junior high school. Meanwhile, SMA Muhammadiyah is the senior high school. For health activities, the survival of the RSKIA PKU Muhammadiyah Hospital is tangible proof, located on the northern edge of the traditional market. In economic affairs, there is BMT An-Nikmah (eastern of the Kotagede traditional market). In addition, there are more than mosques or prayer rooms surrounding this area. One of the historical mosques is the Greater Mosque of Mataram established since the s, close to the tombs of the Mataram kings. Therefore, it can be categorised as the oldest mosque in Yogyakarta Municipality. A Japanese anthropologist, Mitsuo Nakamura, has already studied this location and published it under The Cresent Arises over the Banyan Tree for the first time around the s and the second enlarged edition published in . Nakamura postulated the spectacular role of a modernist Muslim organisation, Muhammadiyah, in influencing society customs from believing Javanese syncretism to Islamic purification fighters. In the political stage, the result of the municipal legislative election in the Kelurahan of Prenggan revealed that PAN was the ruling party achieving , votes, followed by PDIP with , votes, PPP with , votes, Golkar with votes, Gerindra with votes, the Democrat with votes and PKS with votes. Nevertheless, Islam-based parties, in general, merely collected . percent of the 3. TRIKASWANI: Kampung Santri in the Root of Marhaen 237 vote. Meanwhile, in the Kelurahan of Purbayan, PPP was the leading party with , votes, followed by PAN with , votes, PDIP with votes and PKS with votes. Islam-based parties can dominate this kelurahan reaching . percent. Fourth is Suronatan. This is a tiny kampung consisting of merely one RW located in the Kelurahan of Notoprajan, Ngampilan. It is the closest kampung from Kauman. Thus, Kauman and Suronatan are two kampungs which have long histories with Muhammadiyah. Education activities in this area began since when the Muhammadiyah Suronatan Primary School in the same year was founded directly by Ahmad Dahlan. Hence, it is also one of the oldest schools in Indonesia. The following development was the emergence of the TK ABA Suronatan which was initiated by activists of ‘Aisyiyah in . Right at the border of this location, there is a Muslim boarding secondary school for female pupils established since namely the Mu’allimaat Muhammadiyah Boarding School. Furthermore, Suronatan is the foundation of the education centre for religious scholars known as PUTM which was recently relocated in the hillside of Mount Kaliurang, Sleman District. Demonstrably, the Taqwa Mosque has a vital contribution in the early creation of the PUTM and still shapes devout Muslim activities. In the political stage, the municipal legislative election result demonstrated that PAN was the ruling party in the Kelurahan of Notoprajan by earning votes, followed by PDIP with votes, PPP with votes, Golkar with votes and PKS with votes. Islam-based parties in this kelurahan can win with . percent of the vote. Fifth is Warungboto. This is one of the kelurahans located in the Umbuharjo Sub-Municipality. It is large at . quadrate kilometres with nine RWs and RTs. Right now, many education centres can be found inside the location. The kindergartens include TK ABA Warungboto established since , TKIT Salman Al-Farisi, TKIT Al Khairaat and also Muhammadiyah PAUD. At the level of the primary school, there are the SD Muhammadiyah Sokonandi Warungboto, the SD Islamiyah Warungboto and the SD IT Al Khairaat. One of the UAD campuses is located in this area, precisely at Professor Soepomo Street. Health centres are also available in Warungboto, such as the Hidayatullah Islamic Hospital, one of the leading hospitals in Yogyakarta Mu- Chapter VII 238 nicipality and also the health and maternity clinics in cooperation with the PKU Muhammadiyah Hospital. In social activities, the Muhammadiyah Centre for philanthropy activities was established in , the economic centre namely the KJKS was established in and the learning course centre, i.e. the Final Smart Solution (FiSS). It is also interesting that there is a Muslim grave inside this location established at the end of . In political affairs, the municipal legislative election result in the Kelurahan of Warungboto depicted that PDIP was the ruling party by earning , votes. For the others, PPP had , votes, PAN had votes and PKS had votes. Nonetheless, Islam-based parties in this kelurahan can dominate the others by reaching . percent of the votes. Sixth is Nitikan. This is one of the kampungs in the Kelurahan of Sorosutan, Umbulharjo. Most local people who have been dwelling inside this area believe that the ancestors of Ahmad Dahlan originated from this location. Numerous religious scholars come from Nitikan. In the past, there were two local famous Muslim scholars namely Kyai Sulaiman Rosyid dan Kyai Syafii. The former had an offspring Kyai Ahmad Dahlan while the latter had the following offspring: Kyai Busyro, Kyai Abdullah Hadi, Kyai Mursid and Kyai Hisyam Syafii who were the pioneers in developing Islamic activities in this location. Numerous education institutions can be found here. At the level of kindergarten, there are TK ABA Nitikan established since , Al-Qur’an Nitikan Education Centre established since the s, TK PIRI Nitikan and TK Al-Furqon. At the level of primary school, there are SD Piri Nitikan, SDIT Al-Khairat and SD Muhammadiyah Nitikan. In the meantime, there is the SMP PIRI for the junior high school and the SMK Muhammadiyah for the high vocational school, both located in the main Nitikan Street. Furthermore, Nitikan also has an orphanage owned by Muhammadiyah established since the s. Various mosques and prayer rooms still exist inside, such as Muthohirin, An Nashir, As Salam, Al Ittihad, Al Furqon, Wirotunggal and Al Anwar. The existence of a traditionalist Islamic boarding school for males and females, Al-Luqmaniyyah, also situates Nitikan as the centre of devout Muslims. In political affairs, the result of the municipal legislative election in the Kelurahan of Sorosutan revealed that PDIP was the ruling party. It 3. TRIKASWANI: Kampung Santri in the Root of Marhaen 239 achieved , votes, followed by PPP with , votes, PAN with , votes, Gerindra with votes and PKS with votes. Therefore, Islam-based parties, in general, gained . percent of the vote. Concluding Remarks Supported by representative data and pieces of evidence, this chapter theorised that political ideology is still vigorous when parties interact and communicate with civil society and economic society. With the former group, parties tend to have close ties with collateral-mass organisations and alliances: PDIP with the Marhaenism devotees, PAN with the Muhammadiyah-‘Aisyiyah networks and PKS with the Jemaah Tarbiyah linkage. To build their internal force, each of these parties has their own strategy to recruit cadres and elites. PDIP prefers to recruit cadres from Marhaenism-based organisations. Moreover, PAN tends to recruit cadres mainly from Muhammadiyah and ‘Aisyiyah. In the meantime, most cadres of PKS originated from LDK and KAMMI. This evidence reinforces the arguments of Diamond ( ), Poguntke ( ), Mainwaring and Torcal ( ) and Mietzner ( ). Parties have distinctive ties. Although PDIP attempts to struggle for the wong cilik interests in certain cases, some of its elites still have business interests in entertainment industries when the municipal government, at the time, desired to close such industries. The relocation of street-based vendors and some traditional markets is another plain case. Furthermore, PAN prefers to build a proportional or reciprocal cooperation with business clusters, although many of its cadres are leading entrepreneurs locally and nationally. Meanwhile, PKS has little concern with this issue, for two reasons: the social background of its elites and the fact that PKS has never been part of the main regime party. Demonstrably, the findings do not supporting the thesis of Ambardi ( ), Winters ( ) and Reuter ( ) who believe that Indonesia’s parties are entirely cartelised and dependant on conglomerates or tycoons; rather, some of them still keep a distance from businessmen with large private fortunes. Regarding the relationship between parties and society, it is important to postulate here the emergence of ideological cleavage: abangan 4. Chapter VII 240 and santri. The given data reveal that Yogyakarta Municipality is the core base for abangan society or Marhaen devotees. Despite the roots of Marhaen, centres for pious Muslim activities are found inside the municipality, i.e., Kauman, Karangkajen, Kotagede, Suronatan, Warungboto and Nitikan. These six locations could be called “TRIKASWANI”. These six locations were selected based on historical, socio-religious and political considerations. 4. Concluding Remarks 241

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This book examines the influence of political ideology in Indonesia’s political parties to address governance issues during the democratic era, 1998–2015. Further, it investigates the policy, agenda and strategies of three ideological parties in Yogyakarta Municipality in coping with public service issues. The three parties are the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDIP), the National Mandate Party (PAN) and the Justice and Prosperous Party (PKS).