Content

Cornelis Hulsman (Ed.)

From Ruling to Opposition

Islamist Movements and Non-Islamist Groups in Egypt 2011-2013

1. Edition 2017, ISBN print: 978-3-8288-3837-6, ISBN online: 978-3-8288-6739-0, https://doi.org/10.5771/9783828867390

Series: Anwendungsorientierte Religionswissenschaft, vol. 9

Tectum, Baden-Baden
Bibliographic information
Anwendungsorientierte Religionswissenschaft herausgegeben von Ulrike Bechmann und Wolfram Reiss Cornelis Hulsman (ed.) From Ruling to Opposition Islamist Movements and Non-Islamist Groups in Egypt 2011-2013 With contributions of: Jayson Casper Nicholas Gjorvad Quinta Smit Eline Kasanwidjojo Tectum Verlag This book is mainly based on interviews with Islamists in Egypt. The interviews are accessible at Arab-West Report: http://www.arabwestreport.info/en/project/interviews-islamist-movements-2013. Anwendungsorientierte Religionswissenschaft Beiträge zu gesellschaftlichen und politischen Fragestellungen Band 9 Ulrike Bechmann | W olfram Reiss (Hg.) Cornelis Hulsman (ed.) From Ruling to Opposition Islamist Movements and Non-Islamist Groups in Egypt 2011-2013 © Tectum Verlag Marburg, 2017 ISBN: 978-3-8288-6739-0 (Dieser Titel ist zugleich als gedrucktes Werk unter der ISBN 978-3-8288-3837-6 im Tectum Verlag erschienen.) ISSN: 2194-8941 Editorial Reviewers: Anna Hager Sanna Plieschenegger Wolfram Reiss Eva Ritt Language Editors: Jenna Ferrecchia Catherine Volkmann Quinta Smit Matthew Sparks Nicholas Gjorvad Interview Transcript Editors: Lina Ashour Mahmoud Magdy Mohammed Abdelsalam Radwan Mohamed Ayman Ebrahim Umschlaggestaltung: Rita Kämmerer Bibliografische Informationen der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Angaben sind im Internet über http://dnb.ddb.de abrufbar. Contents Abbreviations................................................................................................11 Notes on Transliteration............................................................................ 11 Glossary (Cornelis Hulsman)......................................................................12 Foreword (AmbassadorMona Omar)....................................................... 17 Comments of Scholars on the Book........................................................19 1 Introduction (CornelisHulsman)..........................................23 2 The Political Participation of the Muslim Brotherhood (Eline Kasanwidjojo) ......................................33 2.1 Introduction.............................................................................33 2.2 Brief Historical Overview of the Muslim Brotherhood............................................................................ 35 2.3 Structure and Organization of the Brotherhood.......... 38 2.4 Recruitment Process..............................................................39 2.5 The Idea of Political Participation.....................................41 2.6 Leadership................................................................................ 46 2.7 Brotherhood Political Participation After 20 1 1 ............ 48 2.7.1 The Freedom and Justice Party.............................. 48 2.7.2 The Political Project of the Brotherhood.............. 51 2.7.3 Muslim Brotherhood Political Presence and the Ballot Box After January 25,2011................... 52 2.7.4 Divisions Following the Revolution.................... 54 2.7.4.1 Strong Egypt Party .....................................54 2.7.4.2 Egyptian Current Party............................. 58 2.8 The Brotherhood in Power and Their Fall from Power .......................................................................................56 2.8.1 Public Support for the Brotherhood......................57 2.8.2 Challenges During Mursi's Presidency............... 58 2.8.3 Political Decisions and M istakes........................... 59 5 2.8.3.1 Pluralism and Inclusivity....................... 60 2.8.3.2 PresidentialDecree....................................61 2.8.3.3 Christian Support......................................63 2.8.3.4 Economy....................................................... 64 2.8.3.5 Security......................................................... 64 2.8.3.6 Ethiopian D am ........................................... 65 2.8.3.7 'Brotherhoodization'................................ 66 2.8.4 After June 3 0 ,2 0 1 3 ..................................................... 67 2.9 Conclusion................................................................................ 69 3 Salafi Political Participation and the "Islamic Project" (Quinta Sm it)...............................................................73 3.1 Introduction............................................................................. 73 3.2 Defining Concepts.................................................................. 75 3.2.1 Salafism.......................................................................... 75 3.2.2 Islam ism ........................................................................78 3.3 History and the January 25 Revolution: Becoming Politically A ctive....................................................................79 3.3.1 Before the January 25 Revolution.......................... 79 3.3.2 The Salafi Shaykhs and the January 25 Revolution.....................................................................81 3.3.3 The Ideological Agenda of Salafi Parties 83 3.4 Tension Between Political and Religious Salafism 85 3.4.1 NoUnited Salafi Movement....................................86 3.4.2 Dilemma with the Shaykhs..................................... 89 3.4.3 Mobilizing Support.................................................... 90 3.4.4 Shaykhs' Limited Knowledge of Economics and Politics....................................................................92 3.4.5 June 30 and the Struggle Between Political Pragmatism and Religious Purity ......................... 94 3.4.5.1 Al-Nür Party and Political Pragmatism................................................... 94 6 3.4.5.2 Preservation of a Religiously Conservative Identity.................................95 3.4.6 The"Islam ic Project".................................................99 3.4.6.1 The Constitutional Debate.......................99 3.4.6.2 2012 Presidential Elections.......................99 3.4.6.3 The Making and Breaking of Alliances...................................................... 101 3.5 Product of the Revolution..................................................103 3.5.1 A Revolutionary Environment and Support Base............................................................................... 103 3.5.2 The Revolutionary Character of Salafi Political Parties..........................................................105 3.5.3 Implications of Being a Product of the Revolution.................................................................. 108 3.6 Conclusion.............................................................................. 110 4 Al-Jam äa al-Islämiyya: The Bürden of History on Internal Transition (Jayson Casper) 113 4.1 Introduction........................................................................... 113 4.2 H istory.....................................................................................114 4.2.1 H isba............................................................................ 115 4.2.2 StateResponse...........................................................115 4.2.3 Adoption of V iolence..............................................116 4.2.4 'T heR evisions'..........................................................116 4.3 Reconstitution........................................................................117 4.4 Politicization..........................................................................118 4.4.1 InternalDem ocracy................................................. 118 4.4.2 Financing.....................................................................119 4.4.3 PoliticalInfluence..................................................... 120 4.5 Mobilization........................................................................... 121 4.5.1 RevolutionaryFervor..............................................122 4.5.2 N onviolentAdvocacy.............................................123 4.5.3 Joining a Social Islam ism ....................................... 124 7 4.5.4 Controversies in Mobilizing Practice................125 4.5.4.1 Militias..........................................................125 4.5.4.2 Rhetoric for the People............................ 126 4.6 Philosophy...............................................................................126 4.6.1 The Conception of V iolence................................ 126 4.6.2 The Conception of Democracy and Shürä 128 4.7 Conclusion...............................................................................130 5 Non-Political Islamists: The Jihädi Salafis and the Situation in Sinai (Jayson Casper)............................ 133 5.1 Introduction............................................................................133 5.2 Jihädi Salafis and Ideological Non-Participation 135 5.2.1 Restoring Jihäd and Shari a ................................. 135 5.2.2 How to Restore Jihäd and Shari a .......................138 5.3 Bedouins, Jihädis, and Geographical Non-Participation................................................................ 140 5.3.1 The Security Sector and Bedouin T ribes...........140 5.3.2 M ilitancyintheSinai...............................................143 5.3.3 Local Political Islam ism ......................................... 145 5.4 Conclusion...............................................................................145 6 Non-Islamist Political Actors in Egypt (Nicholas Gjorvad)........................................................................147 6.1 Introduction............................................................................147 6.2 Defining "Non-Islamist" Groups in Egypt...................147 6.3 Non-Islamists before the Egyptian Revolution: Cooperation with Islamist Groups.................................149 6.4 Non-Islamists after the Egyptian Revolution.............. 150 6.5 The NDP and the Fu lü l.......................................................153 6.6 The Meaning of Fulül.......................................................... 153 6.6.1 Political Involvement After 2011....................... 155 6.7 Non-Islamist Parties............................................................ 157 8 6.8 Non-Islamist Movements.................................................. 157 6.9 Non-Islamists in Politics................................................... 159 6.9.1 Religion and Personal Freedoms......................... 159 6.9.2 The Issue of Sh aria in the Constitution 160 6.9.3 Egypt or an Organization?....................................162 6.9.4 Religious Diversity in Egypt.................................163 6.9.5 Religion in Electoral Politics..................................165 6.10 Countering the Islamist Rule: Reflections of Non- Islamists ..................................................................................167 6.10.1 Uniting Non-Islamists.......................................... 167 6.10.1.1 The National Salvation Front 167 6.10.1.2 Tam arrud.................................................. 169 6.10.2 "Principles" Versus "Politics"............................ 170 6.10.3 Reaching a Broader Audience............................ 172 6.10.4 The Political Issue of Social Services................ 174 6.10.5 Mobilizing the Street.............................................175 6.10.6 Time as an Ally?..................................................... 176 6.11 Conclusion............................................................................. 177 7 Conclusion (CornelisHulsman).......................................... 179 Appendix 1: Organizations and Interviewees Mentioned in This Book........................................................................183 Appendix 2: Index of Names of People..............................................209 Appendix 3: Chronology of Events..................................................... 221 Bibliography................................................................................................225 About the Center for Arab-West Understanding............................ 260 About the Authors.....................................................................................261 9 Abbreviations AWR FJP GDP IJMES NGO SCAF SCC Arab West Report Freedom and Justice Party Gross Domestic Product International Journal of Middle East Studies Non-Governmental Organization Supreme Council of the Armed Forces Supreme Constitutional Court Notes on Transliteration There are a plurality of transliteration systems used for transliterating Arabic texts into English. To ensure consistency, this book uses the IJMES transliteration chart which transliterates the letter 'g ' (Egyptian colloquial) with 'j' (Modern Standard Arabic). Thenames of places reasonably familiar to the English-speaking reader have been written in their familiar form (for example Tahrir Square rather than midän al-tahrir). Neither the IJMES wordlist for exceptions nor not adding diacritics to names has been applied for the sake of consistency. The article is al-. After the prepositions li, bi and fi the initial 'a ' of the article is replaced by - (for example bi-l-Watan). Furthermore, no assimilation to sun-letters was applied. No hamza was used for the article. As for Arabic letterblocks containing more than one word, the different words are connected through - (for example wa-bi-l-Watan). No cases were used for single nouns since these are rarely written in modern Arabic publications. The cases in plural, however, have been used. We used the English plural for transliterated Arabic concepts (for example mufti muftis). To see a list of alternative spellings of names, please refer to Ap pendix I and II. All Arabic words are in italics with the exception of personal names. No italics have been used in titles and sub-titles. Names of religious groups, currents and scriptures have been capitalized. 10 Glossary (Cornelis Hulsman1) This includes Islamic terms which had different meanings in traditional Is lam and that have been partly altered in the discourse of Islamists. akh al- 'amal Working Brother; the fifth rank of membership within the Muslim Brotherhood. al-Nizäm al-Khäss The militant wing of the Muslim Brotherhood, established in the late 1930s and active until around 1965 following massive arrests. The leadership of the Brother hood made the political decision in the late 1960s to ab andon local armed activism. This wing was known for its secrecy and violence. Many members were arrested in the 1960s and released by President al-Sädät in the 1970s. Former al-Nizäm al-Khäss member Mahdi ‘Äkif was Supreme General Guide of the Muslim Brotherhood be tween 2004 and 2010 and nominated former al-Nizäm al- Khäss member Khayrat al-Shätir as his second deputy.2 Member(s) of the Bahä'i faith, a monotheistic religion that emphasizes the spiritual unity of all human kind. Its founder was Muslim and most early followers came from Islam. Their claim of having a prophet after the prophet Muhammad is not accepted by traditional Muslims. Call to Islam, spreading the word of Islam by education and preaching. Legal opinion(s) given by a recognized Muslim scholar. Traditional Muslims usually recognize different scholars as Islamist Muslims which may result in contradictory fatwäs. fUlül Literally: Remnants. Derogative term used by opponents of the Mubärak regime to describe those with a close as sociation with the Mubärak regime. With the assistance of Prof. Abdallah Schleifer and Eildert Mulder. Pargeter 2013; Ashour 2014. Bahä'i(s) da wa fatwä(s) 11 Hadith hakimiyya haräm hisba jähiliyya jihäd jihädl jihädi Salafi(s) Sayings and actions attributed to Prophet Muhammad, that play a canonical role as a basic commentary on the Qur 'än. This includes narration, descriptions of his deeds and manners, dress and physical attributes and approval or disapproval of the Prophet. Belief that all things in life are under God's sovereignty and hence this implies that everything, including law and institutions, has to be Islamic. In recent years this term has, in Islamists discourse, obtained the meaning that Muslim scholars can authoritatively determine - as In struments of God - how to apply this. Forbidden under Islam. The Islamic concept of accountability based on the Qur 'änic verse "Enjoin what is good and forbid what is wrong," giving the government the duty to coercively command right and forbid wrong in order to keep every thing in order according to the Sharl'a. Islamists have made this the right of, giving any Muslim to bring another before the court for violating religious principles. The pre-Islamic period (known as the time of ignorance). This term has been redefined by some Islamists as being applicable to Muslims whose actions and words are not approved by these Islamists. Literally: "Striving in the way of God" or "struggle". The spiritual struggle against the ego is called 'greater jihäd! The term is also used for armed struggle against whoever is perceived as the enemies of Islam, which for radical Is lamists can include other Muslims who are opposed to Is lamists. This designation is not limited to one particular current in Islam. Jihadist, person engaged in Jihäd, contemporary term to describe Islamist fighters (only a few decades ago the term mujähid was used by Islamists as well as non- Islamists fighting the Russians in Afghanistan). Salafi who believes that jihäd is an essential component of his beliefs. 12 ijtihäd Kifäya madhhab Maktab al-Irshäd mu 'ayyid mufti muhibb muntasib muntazim murshid Nahda Qur 'än Analogical reasoning in Islam to find a solution to a legal problem. Literally: Enough. Name of a protest movement founded in 2004, primarily against the expected transfer of power from president Mubärak to his son Jamäl. A traditional school of Islamic law. Guidance Council of the Muslim Brotherhood or al- Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya. Supporter; the second rank of membership within the Muslim Brotherhood. An Islamic scholar with the authorization to give fatwäs, who has, in traditional Islam, received an official appointment by the state. Islamist groups have appointed their own muftis since they do not recognize the muftis that have been appointed by a non-Islamist state. Literally: lover; follower, the first rank of membership within the Muslim Brotherhood. Affiliate; the third rank of membership of the Muslim Brotherhood. Organizer; the fourth rank of membership within the Muslim Brotherhood. Supreme Guide of the Muslim Brotherhood. This term is an example of Süfi terminology that has been adopted by Hasan al-Bannä for the Muslim Brotherhood. Literally: "Renaissance." Name chosen by the Muslim Brotherhood for their political, economic and scientificprogram in 2012.This name was earlier used for the secular cultural revival in the Arab world at the end of the 19th century and beginning of the 20th Century in which the core actors were Arab Christians. Christians focused on the Arabic heritage, Islamists aimed at connecting the Arabic and Islamic heritage. Muslims believe the Qur 'än is the compilation of God's revelations. 13 salaf Salafi(s) Shari 'a shaykh(s) Shi'i(s) shürä Shürä Council Sunna Süfi Tablighi(s) takfir takfiri tarbiyya Qutbi(s) Member(s) of the Muslim Brotherhood following the ideas of Sayyid Qutb (1906-1966), called conservatives by Muslim Brothers and revolutionaries by scholars in traditional Islam. Devout ancestors from the days of the Prophet Muhammad. Adherent(s) of ultra-conservative reform movement within Sunni Islam. It aims to apply the traditions of the "devout ancestors" (salaf) in modern times. Body of legislation derived from Qur än and Sunna. Islamic teacher or scholar. Plural in Arabic: shuyükh. In this text we used English grammar to make it plural since it has become a word that has more or less been adopted into the English language. Adherant(s) of Shi 'i Islam. Consultation. Egypt's upper bicameral chamber of Parliament (pre- 2014). Collection of recorded words/actions of Prophet Muhammad. Person adhering to a mystical dimension of Islam that preferences spiritual rather than legal sensibility. Adherents of missionary Muslim group advocating a re turn to the values of Islam in the days of the Prophet Muhammad. The act of branding a fellow Muslim of apostasy. In traditional Islam only the state, representing the umma, is al lowed to do so. Yet, Islamists believe they, as the vanguard of the umma, can do so as well. Traditional Islam rejects this. Deregatory designation of a Muslim who accuses another Muslim of apostasy. This designation is not limited to one particular current in Islam. Education. 14 umma usra Wasatiyya Tilmisäni(s) Member(s) of the Muslim Brotherhood following the ideas of ‘Umar al-Tilmisäni (1904-1986). The worldwide Muslim community. Literally: "fam ily." A term taken from Süfism to denote a basic cell of the Muslim Brotherhood. Literally: "m iddle" or "center", term used by politically engaged Muslims to describe that they are moderate. This is mostly used as a self-description of Islamists who are more open to contacts with people outside their own cir cle. The term was in particular adopted by al-Wasat Party. 15 Foreword (Ambassador Mona Omar) When I was asked to write a foreword to this valuable book, I thought it would take a long time for me to just read it, but as soon as I started, I could not put the book down until I finished reading it. Firstly, I was so impressed by the number of interviews, and the quality of the information presented: this book is an invaluable reference for researchers and political analysts on one of the most misunderstood subjects.That is to say, the role of Islamists, particularly the Muslim Brotherhood in contemporary Egyptian politics. The text is incredibly comprehensive, including historical background, and a plurality of points of view, ranging from the most radical right-wing to the most liberal. I would like to especially note the academic value of the research conducted by non-Egyptians. The work reveals an objective image about the events that took place in Egypt during the very critical period of 2011-2013. This book is a cornerstone for any researcher or political analyst seeking to understand what went on in the Middle East and Egypt during this pivotal period of history. It is certainly in line with the objectives of the Center for Arab-West Understanding (CAWU), an NGO that was established by Dutch sociologist Cornelis Hulsman with the aim of creating understanding between Arab countries and the world at large. CAWU hopes to dispel the numerous neg ative efforts to create divisions between these cultural spheres by using sincere reporting based on nuanced realities, on the ground interviews, and comprehensive explanations. CAWU calls for dialogue, not confrontation, as a mechanism for reaching an understanding between the Arab world and the West. In my view, dialogue is not an option with those who would use violence and acts of terrorism against any human being. With regard to peaceful Islamists, they have to accept democracy in practice which entails accepting the choice of the majority of the people. In Egypt's case, the elected president who came to power following a people's revolu tion rejecting the Muslim Brotherhood. In this regard, what they call hisba, which is a Machiavellian style of operating, has to disappear from their philosophy, and violence has to be completely erased from their vocabulary. 17 In conclusion, this book is a must-read for anyone who wants to understand what happened in Egypt in 2013 through diverse, comprehensive, and first-hand Information. Ambassador Mona Omar Assistant Minister of Foreign Affairs (2008-2013), Chair of International Committee at the National Council for Women, Board Member of Egyptian Council for Foreign Affairs, Honorary Member of the Center for Arab-West Understanding 18 Comments of Scholars on the Book "For any serious student ofthe modern Middle East, From Ruling to Opposition is a very necessary corrective to the conventional coverage ofEgypt in the critical and turbulent years of2011 to 2013. Much ofthat coverage was lazy, buying into the simple narrative offered to journalists byfluent Muslim Brotherhood spokesmen. The extensive interviews with Egyptians o f all political persuasions and the thoughtful reporting in this book dispels suchfalse oversimplifications." Abdallah Schleifer Professor of Political Science and Mass Communication, Future University, Egypt "The merit ofth is well-researched book lies in thefact that it addresses a critical dimension that is absent from most o fth e academic and media analyses ofw hat happened in Egypt during the events that led to 30th ofJune revolution. This objective, outstanding and thoroughly researched historical study provides an in-depth analysis o fa great number o f interviews with many key involved actors. I can consider this work as an excellent refutation o fa monolith inpropaganda studies that weaponized information fo r activating and achieving agiven political agenda. I do highly recommend this bookfor those who are interested in the areas o f historical analysis, political science, media studies and crisis management." Dr. Hassan Mohamed Wageih Hassan PhD Georgetown University, Expert International Negotiation and Crisis Management, Professor of Linguistics and Political Science, al-Azhar Universi ty, Chairman of Political Science Department at Faculty of Economics and Political Science, Future University, Egypt "I highly recommend this excellent documentary work for those who want to learn about the rise andfall o fthe Muslim Brothers' rule in Egypt." Prof. Dr. Hoda Awad Professor of Political Science at the Misr Interna tional University, Secretary of the Center for Arab- West Understanding, Egypt 19 "The authors have an eye fo r the socio-economic reverberations ofthe time: the tensions between pragmatism and puritanism, and the various stages ofrelationship between the state and Islamist movements from Containment to open conflict. The editor has a vast experience ofEgyptian affairsfrom his work in the countryfrom 1976 to the present." Amr Sherif Bureau Chief of the Middle East News Agency (MENA) Bureau in Ankara, Turkey, 2013-2016 "This book is the product o fa dedicated group ofresearchers. Objectively presenting a multiplicity ofviewpoints and perspectives, the bookprovides an enlightening analysis o fthe critical period in contemporary Egyptian historyfrom 2011-2013. This is required readingfor all scholars ofEgyptian history, Islamic Movements, andpolitical Islamism. I recommend this book as a textbookfor allfuture students wishing to understand the post-2011 period ofEgyptian history." Ebtehal Younes Head of the Department of French language and literature, Faculty of Letters, Cairo University, Pro fessor of French and Comparative Civilization, Founder and president of the Dr. Nasr Hamed Abouzayd Institute for Islamic Studies, Egypt "This is an important academic work that describes the rise and fall oflslamists in Egypt in 2013. When the Islamists came to power, they could have used their posi tion to work on consensus-building, but instead they tried to push their own views upon thepolitical opposition. This move alienated many non-Islamists who initially supported them. The rejection o f the call fo r early presidential elections led to Mursi's downfall. This book is a must-readfor anyone who wants to understand the dynamics ofthis period. It describes a period in our recent history that we hope and pray will never be repeated." Rev. Dr. Safwat al-Bayadi Honorary President of the Protestant Community Council, 2015-today, Member of the Constituent Assemblies of 2012 and 2013, Founding member of the Center for Arab-West Understanding. 20 "This book is a unique contribution to our understanding ofEgyptian Islamism after 2011. This research represents the first sustained effort to synthesise the pers pectives o fa broad range o f Islamist actors on important political issues. This book is essential to anyone interested in the development o f Islamist movements after the Arab uprisings." Dr. Jerome Drevon Research fellow at the University of Manchester (UK) specialised in political violence and insurgencies. 21 1 Introduction (Cornelis Hulsman) 2013 was a crucial year in Egypt's history. It was a year in which the relations between the Muslim Brotherhood and their allies on one hand and their opponents on the other became increasingly tense culminating in repeated massive demonstrations. As a result of these demonstrations Egypt's then Minister of Defence, General ‘Abd al-Fattäh al-Sisi, issued a number of clear warnings, not just at the ruling Muslim Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party but at all political factions, declaring that political unrest could instigate the "collapse of the state."3 On June 23, General al-Sisi cautioned "There is a state of division in society, and the continuation of it is a danger to the Egyptian state, there must be consensus among us all."4 Expectations were that president Muhammad Mursi would make efforts to heal divisions in society or call for new presidential elections but instead he remained defiant. In June 2013, he replaced many regional governors with Muslim Brotherhood members, loyalists or allies. One such appointment included establishing a leader of the Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya, as the governor of Luxor, the very city where members of the Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya killed 58 tourists and four Egyptians in November 1997. These and other decisions showed that President Mursi was seeking support from more hardline Islamists instead of seeking consensus with his poli-tical opponents.5 Muslim Brotherhood leaders knew that the president and his government had lost popularity but rejected calls for new presidential elections giving examples of presidents in the West who had experienced low popularity but nevertheless continued to serve the entire period.6 The largest demonstrations began nationwide on June 30 which promp-ted General al-Sisi to warn President Mursi on July 1 "that we still have 48 hours to find a way out of the crisis."7 Mursi remained defiant. On July 3rd, the Egyptian army led by General ‘Abd al-Fattäh al-Sisi removed him from power. In order to understand the crisis in 2013 we need to go back to January 25, 2011. Youth belonging to leftist movements drew increasingly large num Saleh 2013. Kingsley 2013 (a). Hulsman (ed.) 2013 (a). Diana Serödio and Cornelis Hulsman meeting Dr. Usäma Farid on May 15,2013, in the Marriot Hotel, Zamalek, Cairo. Interview with Dr. ‘Amr Darräj, July 22, 2013. Al-Sisi 2013. 23 bers of demonstrators who, three days later, were joined in full force by the Muslim Brotherhood. The demonstrations quickly spread to more cities8 which in turn led to the overthrow of autocratic president Husni Mubärak on February 11. This was the beginning of the Muslim Brotherhood's even tual ascent to power. The Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) then took over the rule of Egypt. The Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) then took over the rule of Egypt. The SCAF started negotiating with the Muslim Brothers and other political actors at the time. This resulted in the SCAF appointment of Judge Täriq al-Bishri, a top Egyptian legal expert widely believed to be sympathetic to the Muslim Brotherhood, as head of the Egyptian Constitutional Review Committee to begin reviewing the con stitution. On March 19, 2011, Egyptians voted on the text of al-Bishri's committee, limiting presidential terms to a maximum of two four-year terms, and stipulating a roadmap where parliamentary elections would come first, followed by presidential elections and the formation of a Constituent Assembly to write a new permanent constitution for Egypt. The Brotherhood and other Islamist groups campaigned in favour of accepting this roadmap while their opponents believed amending the Constitution should come before holding elections.The debates between Islamists and non-Islamists were heavily focused on the role of religion in the Egyptian Constitution as was earlier discussed in "The Sharia as the Main Source of Legislation?"9 The Center for Intercultural Dialogue and Translation (CIDT) asked statistician Dr. Fätima Al-Zanäti to carry out a study on whether Egyptians wanted to cancel or keep Article II of the Egyptian Constitution. This article specifies that the Shari 'a is the main source of legislation. Egyp tians overwhelmingly wanted this article to remain. This point is an excellent indicator of Egypt's religiosity, which was used and manipulated by Islamists during the elections.10 The parliamentary elections in December 2011-January 2012 resulted in 68.95% of the votes going to a bloc of Islamist parties with non-Islamist par ties receiving the remaining 31.05%. Most voters for Islamist parties were not Islamists but religious swing voters who, lured by promises of Islam ists, believed they would be the political group best able to bring Egypt stability and economic progress. The Islamists used their victory to form a Constitutional Assembly that would produce a new constitution with heavy Islamist leanings. Non-Islamists resisted these efforts and other ef- Not the countryside. Hulsman (ed.) 2012 (a) This book discusses the history of the debates about the role of the Shari 'a in Egypt in which Islamists and non-Islamists have had widely different opinions in the decades prior to the January 25 Revolution. El-Zanaty and al-Ghazali 2012. 24 forts to push an Islamist agenda which resulted in a decline of support for Islamists. In the first round of the presidential elections, the Islamist candidates received only 43.77% of the vote, indicating a rapid decline in popularity. The second round of the Presidential elections pitted Muhammad Mursi and Ahmad Shafiq against each other. Mursi represented the Muslim Brother hood and depicted himself as a proponent of revolutionary forces against the old regime. Ahmad Shafiq, a former air force general and Mubärak's last Prime Minister, presented himself as an independent candidate, but was widely viewed as a representative of the old Mubärak regime. It did not help Shafiq's claim of being an independent candidate that the Supreme Constitutional Court had dissolved the Egyptian Parliament and declared the Political Disenfranchisement Law as unconstitutional on June 14. The Political Disenfranchisement Law had been accepted by the Muslim- Brotherhood dominated parliament in order to bar former officials from Mubärak's government from government participation. This added to the already extremely tense atmosphere with a lot of rhetoric, continuous alle gations and bad-mouthing in both directions. The Al-Ahram Weekly described this as "a war between two political blocs" with: Shafik openly accusing Mursi, and the Muslim Brotherhood, of wanting to drag Egypt into outmoded norms and with Mursi openly accusing Shafik of working with the support of state security bodies and a corrupt business community to re-instate the Mubarak regime in what would amount to a total elimination of the revolution.11 The consequence was that, in the first round of voting, around 7% of the voters who had voted for a non-Islamist candidate now voted for Mursi for no other reason than fear of a return to the old regime. The ballot boxes closed on June 17, 2012. On the same day the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces published an appendix to the interim Constitutional Declara tion in the Official Gazette which gave itself "the final say over swathes of domestic and foreign policy."12 The decree increased fear for military Inter vention in the electoral process with Shafiq seen, rightly or wrongly, as the candidate more closely associated with the SCAF. The Muslim Brotherhood immediately declared electoral victory which was given credibility by Ahram Online, stating that "initial indications appeared to suggest victory for Ezzat 2012 (a). El-Din 2012. 25 Muslim Brotherhood candidate Mohamed M orsi."13 But Ahram Online al so stated that the two presidential campaigns continued to exchange accusations of electoral fraud. Meanwhile, there were several reports of violations, including illegal campaigning in front of polling stations, vote-buying, influencing voters to choose certain candidates, and arranging votes for military and police personnel.14 Ahram Online stated on June 18 that counting is still in progress but "indications so far put Morsi in the lead - 51.74% to 48.25%."15 Monday morning, June 18, Mursi declared victory in what was seen as his "acceptance speech." The Al-Ahram Weekly reports that chants of "God is great" and "down with military rule" rang out at the press conference, and hundreds of Mursi supporters marched to Tahrir Square to celebrate.16 The Shafiq campaign rapidly responded that their candidate had won the elections. "The Muslim Brotherhood, they claimed, was attempting to impose a fait accompli."17 One day later they claimed Shafiq was leading Mursi by half a million votes. Lawyers of both parties filed complaints of vote rigging with the Presidential Election Committee which decided to investigate the claims and postpone the election results. This also made the war of words continue and enabled at the same time secret negotiations to take place between different parties, including the Muslim Brotherhood and the army. Opponents to the army used the terms revolution and revo lutionaries liberally for any activity that opposed any form of army interference in politics. On the evening of June 19 Tahrir Square was packed with mainly Brotherhood and Salafi demonstrators chanting: 'we shall continue the struggle', 'down with SCAF' and 'leave! We won't leave, they leave!', a revival of a slogan popular throughout the 18-day uprising that toppled Mubarak, only this time directed against the military council.18 On June 20 the Muslim Brotherhood issued a warning: "There will be a "dangerous faceoff" between the people and the army if Ahmed Shafiq is Shukrallah 2012. Ibid. El-Rashidi 2012 (a). Abdel-Baky 2012. Ibid. El-Nahhas 2012. 26 declared Egypt's new president." Meanwhile the President of the Presidential Election Committee stated that "the results announced by both cam paigns are inaccurate and do not take into account the appeals that have been filed." 19 On June 22 Ahram Online referred to an unknown source in the government who had said that Shafiq will be declared victor with 50.7 per cent of the vote.20 The Muslim Brotherhood suspected support of the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces for Ahmad Shafiq21 and called for a meeting with prominent representatives of the liberal opposition and revolutionary youth who were equally opposed to a former army officer becoming president at the Fair mont Hotel on June 2 2 ,2012.22 The Brotherhood promised their ideological opponents that they would not nominate a Muslim Brother as Prime Minis ter and would give the opposition candidate a place in the government. The Fairmont meeting sent a message to the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces and the Presidential Elections Committee that not only the Muslim Brotherhood, but also anti-Shafiq liberals and revolutionary youth would resist if the Committee would announce Shafiq as winner.23 With this they gave a clear signal that not only they but also other parties that feared a return to military rule would resist a Shafiq presidency. There was fear in those days that there would be civil unrest if Shafiq would become president. Ahram Online reported that: a number of newspapers have accused the Muslim Brotherhood of cooking up an aggressive reaction in case their candidate loses. Al Dostor newspaper went as far as claiming that the group was planning "the massacre of the century. 24 Finally, after a week long tense stand off, on June 24, the Presidential Elec tion Committee declared Muhammad Mursi to be the winner with a narrow 51.73% against 48.27% for Shafiq. Shafiq claimed this outcome to be fraudulent and disputed this for years.25 Later documents of the same Presidential Election Committee popped up showing that they had declared Shafiq Ahram Online 2012 (b). Ezzat 2012. Shukrallah 2013 (a). Ikhwanweb 2012 (d). Interview Cornelis Hulsman with Prof. Abdallah Schleifer, November 22, 2015. Ahram Online 2012 (c). Hulsman 2014 (b). 27 president with 56.67% of the votes as winner of the elections.26 Mursi, according to that document collected 40.14% of the votes while the 3.19% of the votes were declared invalid. It is impossible to tell what is true and what is not. However certain is that Mursi's 'victory' was both narrow and contested, yet he tried to push through an Islamist agenda which infuriated his opponents, including the participants in the Fairmont meeting of June 2012 who felt that Mursi had not lived up to this promises for sharing pow er in June 2012.27 On November 22,2012, Mursi issued his infamous Constitutional Declaration, giving him powers over Egypt's judiciary to prevent them from dismantling the Egyptian Constituent Assembly and thus pushing through an Islamist colored Egyptian Constitution in December 2012. This was widely perceived to be as authoritarian as that as his predecessor Husni Mubärak.28 In these days, researchers of the Center for Arab-West Understanding and Arab-West Report interviewed both prominent Islamist actors as well as their opponents. This drew the interest of Prof. Dr. Wolfram Reiss, publisher of Anwendungsorientierte Religionswissenschaft who encouraged the Center for Arab-West Understanding to interview pro-minent actors and use this as the basis for this book. At the time we, of course, did not know that we would witness the end of the Mursi regime and neither did the Muslim Brotherhood. Dr. ‘Amr Darräj, prominent Muslim Brotherhood member and Minister of Planning and International Cooperation, wrote to me on June 30 about the anti- Mursi demonstrations, "It will pass. Egyptians will never let violence prevail."29 When a senior leader did not expect this, it is likely that other senior members of the Brotherhood close to the president did not expect this either, despite the repeated warnings given by Minister of Defense ‘ Abd al-Fattäh al-Sisi in the preceeding months and days. Following Mursi's removal the National Alliance Supporting Legitimacy was founded in which the Muslim Brotherhoods and part of the politicized Salafis cooperated in rejecting the overthrow of President Mursi, refusing to negotiate with the interim regime who wanted them to accept this new real ity and invited them to participate in the new Constituent Assembly that was being formed in those days. The Brothers, however, rejected this since their president was removed through demonstrations and an army inter Colonel Sabry Yassin's Facebook Page accessed July 2015. https://www.facebook.com/sabry.yassin.92 Shukrallah 2013 (c). Hulsman (ed.) 2013 (a). Personal email of Dr. ‘Amr Darräj to Cornelis Hulsman, June 30, 2016. 28 vention and not through new elections that they had earlier rejected. The same uncompromising attitudes we found at the Islamist Räba 'a al- 'Adawiyya sit-in that formed the background of the violent dispersal that resulted in at least 800 deaths and countrywide violence in which police stations and church property were attacked and policemen were brutally murdered.30 Efforts we witnessed in September and October 2013 to negotiate a compromise could not possibly produce results because of the un compromising positions of different parties that with ongoing violence only became sharper. The roadmap changed. It became the Constitution first, followed by Presidential elections and Parliamentary elections. In this period, we experienced the formation of a new Constituent Assembly which resulted in a new Constitution that was accepted by referendum in January 2014. The battle over the Constitution was a battle over the identity of Egypt. It is thus not surprising that Islamist influences in the Constitution were greatly reduced.31 We have conducted 79 interviews with 65 people, starting on April 1,2011 but mostly between November 12,2012 and November 29,2013, documenting a transition from close by. The interviews were carried out with major political playersof widely different currents in this period. We have become witnesses of change to a new political reality in Egypt's history in which the positions of different political currents changed significantly. The interviews show how deeply divided Egypt had become between Islamists and non-Islamists By Islamists, we are referring to those who promote an "Islamic Project," which seeks to realize the implementation of Shari 'a and create a utopian Islamic state that would ultimately unite Egypt and other Muslim countries. Many times, this concept of an Islamic state is often invoked in reference to the Ottoman Empire, the last Muslim state in which Muslims of numerous national and ethnic backgrounds were united. However, this empire was broken up by the western powers at the end of World War I.32 This project to Islamize Egyptian society in no way means that Islamists were united in how to achieve this. Muslim Brothers believed that this could be best achieved through the political power of parliament and pres ident who would need to Islamize the institutions of the state. Salafis, how- Hulsman (ed.) 2013 (b), 2014 (a). Hulsman 2016. This was the theme of International Conference on the Middle East Strategic Landscape 100 Years After the First World War, Future University, September 12 14, 2015. The proceedings are expected to be published in 2016. 29 ever, to a large extent believed that change had to come through preaching, making Egyptians more religious and adhering to the law God has constituted in the Qur 'än, Hadith and Shari 'a, not man made laws.33 Eline Kasanwidjojo discusses the political participation of Muslim Brothers and former Brothers through the Freedom and Justice Party and other polit ical parties which show competing currents and ideas that provide a good overview of the tensions that existed in this period. Her interviews provide a unique insight into how important members and former members of the Muslim Brotherhood saw the political environment in Egypt prior to and after president Mursi was removed. Kasanwidjojo's chapter is naturally the first in this book since the Muslim Brothers were by far the largest and best organized Islamist movement in this period who forced the other political forces in Egypt to take them seriously but they also overstepped their strength by alienating non-Islamist political parties who were equally opposed to a return of the old guard around president Mubärak. The chapter of Quinta Smit deals with the Salafi political participation in the "Islamic Project." Unlike the Muslim Brothers, the Salafis had not been politically active during the Mubärak era and the Revolution took them by surprise. Some remained quietist, believing that they should remain apolitical and accept the rule of any Muslim leader while others believed that they should become politically active. Al-Nür Party was formed around al-Da 'wa al-Salafiyya, a large countrywide preaching group that, due to their spread throughout the country, were remarkably successful in the elections. Other Salafi political parties were also formed. Interviews carried out by Quinta Smit highlight a struggle between political pragmatism and religious identi ty existent inside each of the different Salafi parties. Jayson Casper interviewed al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya leaders and jihädi Salafis about their sense of political participation and the contradictions they faced. These people were often described in different media as terrorists. As persons they were, however, often pleasant to meet with but their inflammatory and inciting speeches made them indeed a threat to the state. The jihädi Salafis also posed a threat to the participatory Islamists' right flank, those who participated in the democratic process but who were also uncertain about 'democracy' since the laws of God should prevail over those of men. Nicholas Gjorvad discusses the response of non-Islamist movements during a period in which Islamists were dominating the political process. There was definitely a lot of soul-searching this time for non-Islamists as well as Prof. Abdallah Schleifer compared this to socialism, united in the objective to achieve a socialist society but deeply divided in how to achieve this, Wellisch 2016. 30 many discussions as to how to differentiate themselves from Islamists. Both Islamists and non-Islamists believed to be the true revolutionaries but where Islamists believed in an "Islamic Project," non-Islamists, many of them pious Muslims, believed in the rule of law but also out of fear for what they saw as Islamist reactionaries were ready to ally themselves with the old guard. The belief in relegating religion to a large extent, but not entirely, to the private sphere made many Islamists accuse them to be secular, a term often associated with atheism, a deeply troublesome accusation in a society which is overwhelmingly religious.34 The authors have made use of the network of the Center for Arab-West Understanding but also made their own connections. That was a tremendous achievement because of the general skepticism of Islamists towards Western researchers. Yet, these same Islamists also wanted their views to reach a wider Western public through a trusted academic channel. It was at times difficult, as Quinta Smit writes in her chapter "to judge the verity of certain statements made by those interviewed." All authors, however, have been very careful in reviewing and analyzing all interviews and other In formation obtained. It was obvious that both Islamists and liberals were most accessible to the researchers. Yet, opposition to Islamist views were also strong in al- Azhar and among Egypt's large Süfi network and other mainstream Muslims. They were carrying out their ideological battles with Islamists in a less visi ble way to non-Egyptian researchers, also since they were not as much involved in anti-Islamist demonstrations as liberals were. They were for example engaged in debates about Brotherhood efforts to introduce new Is lamic concepts and give new interpretations to traditional Islamic concepts. Prof. Abdallah Schleifer, distinctive professor of political science at Future University, Egypt, assisted us with the glossary of this book which shows several concepts as they are used in traditional Islam and the new meaning obtained through the efforts of Islamists ideologues. Muslim Brotherhood ideologue Sayyid Qutb (1906-1966) introduced, for example, the concept of a vanguard of the umma, the Muslim nation, that could engage in takfir, denouncing other Muslims as apostates which justifies killing them. This, Schleifer, observed, is similar to the vocabulary of Communist parties that presented themselves as the vanguard of the work Email with a Muslim Brother who wished to remain anonymous, October 17, 2014. This Muslim Brother referred to Dr. ‘Abd al-Wahhäb al-Masiri's book on 'Whole Secularism and Partial Secularism' in which he interprets the difference in understanding secularism between Westerners and Muslims, and also why he thinks secularism was a necessity in Western societies but not in Islamic ones. I have frequently heard Islamists make references to al-Masiri. 31 ing classes and, of course, this vanguard was better able to guide the masses then the masses themselves were. Qutbis, followers of Sayyid Qutb, are, in the eyes of al-Azhar to be compared with radical revolutionaries rather than conservatives as many Muslim Brothers would present them.35 Most interviews were carried out by the authors of the different chapters and myself but we also owe thanks to the interviews of Diana Serodio, Es ther Schoorel, Ahmed Deiab, Arndt Emmerich, Judit Kuschnitzki, Fouad Masoud, Jaco Stoop, Daniela De Maria, Shabana Basheer, Mette Toft Niel sen, Omar Ali and Felix Wellisch. Editor Jenna Ferrecchia completed the first language edit. Proofreading was done by Prof. Reiss and PhD candidates Anna Hager and Sanna Plieschenegger. Later, Catherine Volkmann continued the language editing, which Quinta Smit, Nicholas Gjorvad and Matthew Sparks ultimately completed. Eva Ritt has assisting us in format ting and checking the bibliography. The index of Arabic names of people, organizations and locations was made with help of Alastair White, Cathe rine Volkmann and Eildert Mulder. The list of organizations and interviewees was made with help of Tugrul von Mende, Eline Kasanwidjodo, Quinta Smit, Jayson Casper, Nicholas Gjorvad and Khaled H. Zakaria. Arabist Eildert Mulder reviewed the transliteration of all Arabic names and texts. Filippus Hulsman created diacritics in Book Antiqua for the translite rated names. We have tried to trace the people we have interviewed. Most, in particular Muslim Brothers and Salafis, were no longer active after 2013. Some were arrested, one died in prison, others left Egypt and again others are simply no longer politically active. In 2013 Egypt went through a major political transformation, which we were witnessing and documenting at the time of its occurrence. This has resulted in a unique documentation about an important period in Egypt's modern history. The work of the authors, interviewers, editors and proofreaders has been invaluable for the composition of this book. 35 Interview Cornelis Hulsman with Prof. Abdallah Schleifer, April 7, 2016. 32 2 The Political Participation of the Muslim Brotherhood (Eline Kasanwidjojo) 2.1 Introduction The Egyptian Revolution of January 25,2011 marked the beginning of open political participation for the Muslim Brotherhood. For the first time since its founding in 1928, they formed a political party and fielded a Muslim Brotherhood candidate, Muhammad Mursi, for the Presidency. Being granted the right to participate openly was a far cry from the decades of suppression and arrests prior to the revolution. With its firm organizational structure and experience as an opposition or ganization, the Muslim Brotherhood was for a long time seen by many ob servers as the most comprehensive political movement in an undemocratic Egypt.36 Due to threats to the organization, the Brotherhood for many years shied away from the spotlight of the political scene. They worked 'quietly' underground: recruiting new members, practicing da Wa, and dedicating their resources to community work. In the 1970s President Anwar al-Säda"t introduced a multi-party-system in which opposition parties were allowed and the Muslim Brotherhood started to accept party pluralism.37 Former president, Husni Mubärak, then allowed the Brotherhood to participate in all parliamentary elections since 1983.38 They did so through alliances with other political parties or as socalled independent candidates. In 2010 newly-elected murshid (Supreme Guide), Muhammad Badi‘, reaffirmed the Muslim Brotherhood's political slogan under the Mubärak re gime: "participation, not domination," withdrawing the Brotherhood from the political scene. At that time, they did not want to found a political party, let alone campaign for the Presidency. Their modus operandi shifted in the wake of the January 2011 Revolution, when political participation was announced and gradually this slogan was attenuated. Political participation was influenced by internal and external factors. The organizational base, leadership, resignation of members, and the political experience throughout history played an important role within the Bro- Trager 2011. Wickham 2012, 243. Nawara 2013. 33 therhood. Externally, the Arab Spring and the Egyptian Revolution, the emergence of political factions, such as Hizb al-Wasat (Center Party), Hizb al- Tayyär al-Misri (Egyptian Current Party) and Hizb Misr al-Qawiyya (Strong Egypt Party), and public support influenced the political participation of the Brotherhood. Since the July 3, 2013 ouster of President Mursi, the Brotherhood has defended the case of bringing back the legitimately elected president of Egypt. The mass protests and the Intervention of the army on July 3 raised the question of what steps were taken by the Brotherhood leadership, what happened internally, and to what extent the Egyptian public supported them. This chapter will give an overview of their time leading the political spectrum and their downfall, between January 25, 2011 and July 3, 2013. Moreover, it concludes that internal rifts and more conser-vative leadership contributed to an unclear political approach, which influenced the end of the Brotherhood rule. The first section of this chapter deals with a short historical overview of the Brotherhood, explaining Hasan al-Bannä's influences on the foundation of the Brotherhood, the organizational structure, the recruitment process, the idea of political participation and leadership. It will become clear that there has always been a rift within the Brotherhood regarding the nature of their activities. Some members have favored a more subdued role exclusive of politics, while others have championed political involvement on various levels. This section delves into this internal division between politically oriented and more conservative members, which plagued the leadership between 2011 and2013. The second part offers an analysis of the political participation of the Bro therhood in the post-Revolution environment after January 25, 2011. The Brotherhood's modified legal status meant that there were new opportunities to organize themselves politically. This section clarifies the founding of Hizb al- Hurriya wa- 'l- 'Adäla (the Freedom and Justice Party) and the reasons for a political project of the Brotherhood. The Muslim Brotherhood's political presence was remarkably different after the Revolution and divisions followed. Alienated members were organized in the Strong Egypt Party and the Egyptian Current Party, leaving the electorate questioning their potential loyalty towards the Brotherhood and the authenticity of their vision. The final section elaborates on the power and the fall of the Brotherhood in Egyptian politics. There might be a certain agreement over mistakes the Brotherhood and the Presidency made, but there is complete disagreement about what happened on July 3,2013, when the then Commander-in-Chief of the Egyptian Armed Forces, ‘ Abd al-Fattäh al-Sisi, announced the oust- 34 ing of President Mursi. Was this needed in response to the protests against Muslim Brotherhood rule, or averting the danger of a civil war? Or was a legitimately elected president ousted by the military and can we speak of a coup? Public support, political challenges, public mistakes and the so called 'Brotherhoodization' all influenced and affected the protests of June 30, 2013. Brotherhood members and supporters see Mursi as the democratically elected president of Egypt and condemn the actions of the military. Others believe the army responded to the will of the people as expressed in the mass demonstrations. This chapter concludes by briefly describing the chal lenges after July 3, 2013. 2.2 Brief Historical OverView of the Muslim Brotherhood Islamic scholar and teacher, Hassan al-Bannä, founded the Muslim Bro therhood in 1928. His daughters, however, said that he envisaged such an organization as a six-year-old. According to them, he was influenced by his family situation and the post-colonial era in Egypt and therefore he sought to create an organization that would educate Muslims about Islam. This or ganization would benefit society through philanthropic works and would ultimately create an Islamic society.39 Al-Bannä's daughters tell the story that their grandfather, Ahmad ‘Abd al- Rahmän, educated his sons in the different schools of Islamic law in order to stimulate discussion inside the house. Each was asked to follow a differ ent madhhab (school of law): one of them followed the mäliki school (Amir ‘Abd al-Rahmän); one of them the shäfi 'i school (Muhammad); another son learned of the hanafi school (Hassan, nicknamed Imäm al-Shahid); and still another followed the hanbali school (Jamäl). In addition to his life experiences, the discussions inside the house and his education about Islam di rectly influenced Hassan al-Bannä's personal understanding of Islam and his vision for the Brotherhood.40 At the beginning of the 1920s Egypt was still under the control of the British Empire that ruled Egypt between 1882 and 1922.41 Hasan al-Bannä appreciated the need to establish a counterweight to the persisting influence of foreign rulers. Roel Meijer, Senior Researcher on the Middle East at the Clingendael Institute (The Netherlands) depicts the Brotherhood as the Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (d). Ibid. Botman 1991, 7. 35 counterbalance against the colonizing rule of the British Empire.42 According to Meijer, the Brotherhood can be seen as one of the oldest Islamic organizations that turned Islam into a political activist ideology.43 Comparably, in other countries that were in the colonization process starting from the second half of the 19th century, Islam has been at the roots of an ideology of resistance as an answer to western domination and influence. Influential Islamic reformist thinkers like Sayyid Jamäl al-Din al- Afghäni44 (1838 in Asadabad, Iran-1897 in Istanbul, Ottoman Empire), Muhammad ‘Abduh45 (1849 in Nile Delta, Egypt-1905 in Alexandria, Egypt) and Muhammad Rashid Ridä (1865 near Tripoli, Ottoman Syria-1935 in Cairo, Egypt) formed a range of ideas of how Islam could be reformed in the light of foreign suppression.46 If the umma (the society of Muslims) would live true to the principles of their religion, external forces could be defeated, according to Al-Afghäni47‘ Abduh referred to an era in which the Islam conquered the Great Mediterranean and Muslims practiced their reli gion in the 'right' and 'pure' way, so that domination by external forces was unthinkable.48 Ridä founded the Islamic reformist magazine, al-Manär (the Lighthouse) in 1898 through which he exported his ideas on Pan- Arabism and Islamic reform. Al-Bannä took over the publication of al- Manär after Ridä died in 1935.49 The Brotherhood emerged in the light of these reformist thinkers who inspired al-Bannä. The Brothers viewed themselves in line of this Islamic reformist movement.50 The ideology of the Brotherhood was formed around the Brotherhood's de finition of Islam: A total system complete unto itself; the final arbiter of life in all its categories; formulated from and based on its two primary sources, Meijer and Bakker (eds.) 2012,1. Ibid. Controversy remains about his place of birth. It is reported that he travelled a great part of the Islamic world and Europe and received education in Afghanis tan and Iran. Between 1871 and 1879 he was in Egypt and taught at al-Azhar University. Rogan 2010,191. Al-Bannä's father was a student of ‘Abduh. Pargeter 2013, 9. Hourani 1962,113. Rogan 2010,193. Mitchell 1969,186. Ibid, 321. 36 the revelation in the Quran and the wisdom of the Prophet in the Sunna and applicable to all times and all places.51 Al-Banna's vision for the Brotherhood was to focus on important values such as educating Muslims on Islam, Shari 'a (Islamic law), and community work. He explained that the Muslim Brotherhood was a " Salafiyya message, a Sunni way, a Sufi truth, a political organization, an athletic group, a cultural educational union, an economic company and a social idea."52 In order for the Brotherhood to reach an Islamic state, Egypt needed to be independent from British rule and protected from aggression. According to al-Banna, religious self-respect was only possible in a free nation.53 Al-Banna's ideology resonated in his writing Da 'watunä (Our Message), published as pamphlet in 1937. He emphasized the all-encompassing role of the Muslim Brotherhood in the sense that the Brotherhood should not restrict itself to one identity as a political animal or a means to practice da 'wa; instead it should be the whole system.54 For al-Banna, this meant that the Muslim Brotherhood would be omnipresent in society and spread its ideol ogy in different steps: first the family would become more Islamic, and then this would extend to society, government, country, the Caliphate, and eventually the world.55 The Brotherhood's ideology can thus be summarized as the realization of an Islamic state through community work and da 'wa, the introduction of SharVa as the means to control the affairs of state and socie ty and finally, to achieve unification among the Islamic countries and states, mainly among the Arab states, and liberating them from foreign imperialism.56 Foremost on the Brotherhood agenda is the Tslamization' of the coun try and unifying all Muslim countries.57 This entails a complete political, economic, and social reformation of the state.58 Al-Mu 'tamar al-Khämis as cited in Mitchell 1969,14. Ibid. Da 'watunafi Tawr Jadid, Ila al-Shabäb, Ila ’ayy shay ’ nad 'u al-näs, Jaridat al-Ikwän al- Muslimin as cited in Mitchell 1969, 264. Thequranblog 2008. Ibid. Ikhwanweb 2012 (a). The Muslim Brotherhood has an impressive international outreach, not only in North-Africa. Their headquarters in England for example date to the early fifties. Pargeter 2013,152. Mitchell 1969, 260-261. 37 2.3 Structure and Organization of the Brotherhood A strong organization characterizes itself by effective leadership and the loyalty of the members. The head of the Muslim Brotherhood, who represents the Brotherhood worldwide, is the Supreme Guide, or the murshid. Because of the importance of Egypt as the birthplace of Hasan al-Bannä and the Brotherhood, the Egyptian murshid is the leader of all branches of the Brotherhood worldwide. According to Abd al-Jalil al-Sharnübi, an Egyptian Journalist and former Muslim Brother, the Brotherhood is represented in 88 countries worldwide.59 The conservative Muhammad Badi‘ is the 8th General Guide and was elected by the senior Brotherhood members of the Brotherhood's Guidance Council in 2010. In the 1960s Badi‘ was imprisoned at the same time as Sayyid Qutb and can be considered as one of Qutb's followers.60 The Brotherhood is characterized by a top-down, hierarchical structure. The leadership is essentially a power triangle between the murshid; Maktab al- Irshäd i.e. the Guidance Council (12-15 members); and the Consultative Assembly, known as the Majlis al-Shürä i.e. the Shürä Council (100-150 mem bers).61 The Guidance Council is elected by the Shürä Council.62 To be elected in this leadership one needs to be a senior-ranking member, who has completed all steps of the recruitment process and has extensive expe rience inside the Brotherhood in teaching new recruits, being involved in da Wa, or providing community work, for example. The Brotherhood has representations across Egypt, and local administrations can be directly mobilized or contacted by the Guidance Council.63 Eric Trager, an expert on Egyptian politics and the Muslim Brotherhood at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, explains the Brotherhood formed a pyramidal structure in such a way that if leaders are imprisoned, the rest of the organization can remain afloat.64 The Brotherhood managed to recruit new members, establish an international orga-nization, and work out a political program, despite decades of arrests and imprisonment of leaders and members. According to al-Bannä's daughters, not only did im prisoned Muslim Brotherhood members remain influential - often also be- Ulitzka 2013. Al-Hayat 2010, in Pargeter 2013, 63. Mitchell 1969, 295. Trager, Kiraly, Klose, and Calhoun 2012. Interview with a Muslim Brother (akh al- 'amal) 2013. Sen 2013. 38 cause their families were still permitted to visit - but they also influenced other prisoners.65 2.4 Recruitment Process The secretive organization with inspiring leaders and a message of selfesteem and hope for a better future did have an impact on the Egyptian so ciety of 85 million people of which more than two-thirds live in poverty. The Muslim Brothers in Egypt were estimated to have between 300,000 and 1,000,000 members in 2013.66 During the foundation of the Brotherhood, al-Bannä made sure that the or ganization was protected against intelligence infiltration by installing an extensive and above all, secretive, recruitment process. This process was, and still can be seen as, one of the biggest protection measures, as it rules out virtually any intrusion by security services. It could take fifteen years to become an akh al- 'amal (working brother) with the rights to any position and to vote internally. A new recruit is either approached or enters out of free will. From the 1970s onwards, recruiting at universities became the main activity of the Brother hood. The universities were a bulwark of the different political forces, including the future leaders and other influential individuals.67 For Ibrähim al-Hudaybi, a researcher and Journalist, and also greatgrandson of the second Supreme Guide, Hasan al-Hudaybi, and grandson of M a’mün al-Hudaybi, sixth Supreme Guide, the reason to become a member of the Brotherhood was the fact that the Brotherhood was the only working opposition movement in society. Al-Hudaybi explained he made this decision in 2003 out of free will, not because of his family history. It was a combination of so many different things. This (The Muslim Brotherhood) was the only functioning opposition group in society. I also believe in Islamism, and I did so very much at that time. That was at the time of the war on Iraq, so that played a role too; the need to resist that foreign military occupation.68 Al-Hudaybi did not complete the recruitment process and left the Brother hood in 2008. He had reached the status of a muntasib (affiliated) and was Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (d). Kingsley 2013 (b). Pargeter 2013, 37. Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (c). 39 responsible for the content on the English website of the Muslim Brother hood.69 For Dinä Zakariyya, a Muslim Sister and member of the Foreign Affairs Committee of the FJP, becoming a member was a free choice, too. At the age of 18 she decided that she wanted to become a member herself though no one else in her family was a member.70 The recruitment process of the Brotherhood consists of five levels. The recruit enters as a muhibb (follower/lover) and becomes, after some tests and camps, a mu 'ayyid (supporter). This process can take up to four years. As a mu 'ayyid, he71 simultaneously enters an usra ("family" or cell), which is guided by a senior member. After the studying hours have been tested, if praying is considered enough and liturgical routine followed correctly, the mu 'ayyid becomes a muntasib (affiliated). At this stage the recruit becomes more of an insider, and starts to pay up to 8% of his earnings to the organi zation. If the muntasib fulfils his tasks correctly, he will proceed to the level of muntazim (organizer). This level used to be the one in which recruits had to undergo loyalty tests in order to avoid any infiltration by, for example, the secret service. The final step is to become akh al- 'amal (working brother). At this final stage the Brother is allowed to vote in the Muslim Brotherhood's Shürä Council elections and get elected for the highest positions.72 Not only has this process protected the organization, but it has also created a great sense of lifelong loyalty. New Brothers dedicate their time, money and life to the organization. Prominent former Muslim Brotherhood member and founder of the inter national wing of the Brotherhood, Kamäl al-Hilbäwi, who was a member for more than 60 years, explains that the organization was his life: "more than my family, it is my future, my history. It is my blood."73 Ibid. Interview with Dinä Zakariyya 2012. From al-Bannä's daughter I understood that the inauguration process for women is the same, while another Muslim Brother explained that the process for women is different. Therefore I use "his and he" in this connotation of the inauguration process as I am sure this process works for the inauguration of men. Interview with a Muslim Brother (äkh al- 'amal) 2013; Trager, September-October 2011. Kasanwidjojo and Smit 2013. 40 2.5 The Idea of Political Participation Involvement in politics has always been a trade-off between political circumstances - i.e. the freedoms the regime gave the Brotherhood - and inter nal considerations. Within the Muslim Brotherhood, there has been a wide range of opinions regarding political participation. There are members who maintain that the movement should not participate in politics, whereas other Brothers believe politics is a part of Islam. As Al-Bannä stated in Our Message, the Brotherhood encompasses a complete system and should therefore be considered a political organization as part of that system. Participation in politics was thus justified in the sense that politics was not in conflict with religion, but a part of Islam.74 Muslim Brothers and young Freedom and Justice Party (FJP) leaders in the Giza governorate, ‘Ali Khafäji and Muhammad ‘Abd Allah, explained their political participation as stemming from the idea of al-Bannä and the Bro therhood.75 Carrie Rosefsky Wickham, Associate Professor at Emory University and po litical science researcher, argues that al-Bannä, while he justified political participation, he was simultaneously against the idea of having more politi cal parties in the country because they would harm the country's unity and thereby facilitate foreign occupation. According to Wickham, Hassan al- Bannä's contradictory statements were partly responsible for the internal debate in 2011-2012 over whether to cooperate with other political parties or not.76 Wickham writes that the internal Brotherhood reasoning changed in the seventies when the Brotherhood agreed on party pluralism. At that time, President Anwar al-Sädät changed the political system from a one-partysystem to a multi-party-system. Consequently, legal opposition parties were accepted and the Brotherhood leaders convinced their members of the benefits of participating in a multi-party system. The message to the mem bers was that political participation would benefit the bigger plan i.e. Tslamization' of the country. Brothers were told that al-Bannä ran for Parlia- Mitchell 1969, 264. Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (e), Kasanwidjojo 2013 (b). Wickham 2012, 241-248. 41 ment himself in 1942 and 1945.77Al-Bannä's initial rejection of the multi party system was explained as "a product of historical circumstances."78 By the 1950s, the Brotherhood had developed as a strong opposition movement and had adopted a more political approach.79 During this time the Brotherhood had close links to the "Free Officers", the instigators of the military coup in 1952 that ended both the monarchy and the parliament. Prominent Free Officers were Muhammad Najib (Muhammad Naguib), Jamäl Abd al-Näsir (Gamal Abdel Nasser) and Anwar al-Sädät, amongst others. Views differ on the relation between the Brotherhood and the Free Officers.80 King Färüq mentioned in his memoirs that the Muslim Brother hood, with the help of the Sovjet Union, was behind the revolution of 1952: Who are the men behind Naguib? I will tell you, they are a secret politburo of the Muslim Brotherhood, using money supplied by the Russian Embassy in Cairo. And that efficient coup d'etat which cost me my throne was not planned by Naguib in the candlelight of his simple army tent, but was worked out for him by a group of foreign military advisers.81 The alleged cooperation deal is unclear. Former Brotherhood spokesman and son of the Hassan al- Hudaybi, who was murshid in 1952, Ma mün al- Hudaybi explains that the relationship was one of betrayal: Abdel Nasser deceived everyone who worked with him. He deceived all the allies with whom he collaborated prior to and after Ju ly 1952. Ma mün al-Hudaybi also mentioned that al-Näsir denied anything had been agreed upon for the Brothers. He added that the attempt on al-Näsir's life, allegedly by a member of the Brotherhood, was used as a tool to dis band the Brotherhood in 1955.82 Al-Näsir's successor Anwar al-Sädät reduced restrictions on the Brotherhood in exchange for support against his opponents, i.e. Al-Näsir's loyalists.83 Ibid, 243. Ibid. Pargeter 2013, 9. Counselor Ahmad Talät showed photos of al-Näsir with Muslim Brothers at the tomb of Hassan al-Bannä. C. Hulsman and and C. Ramizova, 'Interview with Counselor Ahmad Talät, former deputy head of the liberal ‘Ahrär Party,' Heliopolis, June 22, 2015. Crompton 2014. Abdel-Latif 2012. Laub 2013. 42 After Egypt's independence, successive regimes became more authoritarian, leaving the Brotherhood as one of the few opposition movements.84 The 1970s marked the start of Brotherhood participation in various civil so ciety organizations. Individual members participated in the 1980s in elec tions in the lower chamber of Parliament.85 In 1984 the Brotherhood won 58 seats in the parliamentary elections in an alliance with Al-Wafd Party. The greatest parliamentary victory prior to the January 25 Revolution of 2011 came in 2005 when the Brotherhood put forward 161 independent candidates and won 88 out of 444 seats.86 Under the Mubärak regime, the Brotherhood started using the slogan "Par ticipation not domination."87 According to Nathan J. Brown, Professor of political science and international affairs at George Washington University, this motto was needed to reassure the distrustful leader, Mubärak, that the Brotherhood only wanted to participate and did not aim to replace the leader.88 The Brotherhood was always careful not to completely overrule the political scheme because of the feared repressive consequences. Alongside the great parliamentary victory of 2005 came the public "concerns" of a political move by the Muslim Brotherhood. Supreme Guide of the Brotherhood in 2005, Muhammad Mahdi Äkif assured the public that the Brotherhood was not ready for politics yet and sought reform by education.89 Prior to the elections in 2005, approximately 800 members were, according to Human Rights Watch, arrested without a fair trial. Arrested members were charged with "belonging to an illegal organization", "possession of publications", "spreading propaganda of a nature to disturb public securi ty," and "promoting the use of force to breach the constitution."90 In the wake of the 2010 parliamentary elections ‘Abd al-Rahmän al-Barr, Guidance Council member and Brotherhood mufti, issued a fatwä,91 which stated that participating in these elections was "a religious duty." The fatwä was based on hisba (the Islamic concept of accountability) and issued to Hamzawy and Brown 2010, 6. Ibid, 16. Ibid, 7. Hamid 2012. Brown, N. 2011. Elad-Altman 2006. Human Rights Watch 2005. Legal judgment issued by a qualified mufti. In this case, ‘Abd al-Rahmän al-Barr, a member of the Guidance Council, and nick-named 'the Brotherhood mufti', is sued this fatwä for the Muslim Brothers. 43 prevent a boycott by members, which was to be expected because of the high number of arrests, after the successes of 2005.92 According to Khalil al-Anani, political analyst at al-Siyäsa al-Dawliyya (For eign Policy journal) this was the first time the Muslim Brotherhood used hisba in the context of elections. To strengthen the fatwä, ‘ Abd al-Barr added that participation, both voting and the candidacy, in these elections was a form of the greater jihäd.93 A day after the Brotherhood announced its par ticipation in the 2010 elections 22 Muslim Brothers were arrested.94 Internally, there has been an ongoing discussion on whether the Brother hood should remain a da Wa and religious movement working on commu nity projects, or be politically active and in the ruling position even though they had always been comfortable to oppose. Two groups within the Bro therhood, referred to as the Tilmisänis and ‘‘Q utbis” differed in opinion at the beginning of the 1980s. The Tilmisänis were represented by 'Umar al- Tilmisäni who was the murshid of the Brotherhood between 1972 and 1986. Umar al-Tilmisäni wanted to participate in politics under the rule of Mubärak and tried to keep political oriented members inside the Brother hood while trying to achieve change inside the Brotherhood. When al-Tilmisäni passed away in May 1986, a number of members who formed the more rigid current and belonged to al-Nizäm al-Khäss (the mili tant wing of the Brotherhood), such as Khayrat al-Shätir and Mahmüd Izzat, returned to Egypt.95 The third group, the rather more conservative Qutbis, wanted to continue concentrating on the Brotherhood's da 'wa efforts. This group was named after Sayyid Qutb, a radical Brotherhood ideologue who was critical of Western imperialism and Arab autocratic regimes.96 This discussion eventually led to the defection of some politically oriented brothers in the mid- 1990s. Abü al- Ila Mädi and Issäm Sultän were core followers of al- Tilmisäni, and later founded al-Wasat Party.97 Abd al-Mun im Abü al- Futüh, former Muslim Brotherhood Supreme Guidance Council member and Strong Egypt Party leader, acknowledged the division between Qutbis and Tilmisänis.98 Pargeter 2013, 43; Al-Anani 2010. Al-Anani 2010. Human Rights Watch 2010. Pargeter 2013, 37-48. Rogan 2010, 541- 542. Pargeter 2013, 47. Hulsman, Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (b). 44 Politically, Tilmisänis wanted to strive for a more balanced approach, also referred to as Wasatiyya. The Wasatiyya thought seeks to reconcile Islamic legal principles with a modern liberal democracy.99 According to Qutb, the answer was the belief in the principle of holy unity, which demands that all things in life are under God's sovereignty and hence implies that everything, including law and institutions, has to be Islamic. This is also referred to as hakimiyya.100 He believed that the world is currently in a state of jähiliyya- the time of ignorance i.e. ignorance of the One God. In Islam, jähiliyya refers to the pre-Islamic times. For Qutb, an Islamic vanguard was needed to bring Islam back as leader of humanity through the means of da 'wa and physical force.101 By transforming the concept of jähiliyya, which referred to a very specific period of time and initially to a specific region (the Hijaz), into an ahistorical concept, his ideas became applicable anytime and to any Muslim society that was in his view no longer living according to the Islamic principles as understood by Qutb himself. According to Ahmad Najib, founding member of the Council of Trustees of the Revolution and a member of the Egyptian Current Party, senior Muslim Brotherhood members Khayrat al-Shätir, Muhammad Mursi and Mahmüd Izzat are all considered Qutbis, while Muhammad Habib, Abü al-Futüh, and Kamäl al-Hilbäwi are Tilmisänis.102 It is remarkable that the men Najib labeled as followers of Umar al-Tilmisäni all withdrew from the Brotherhood. The internal Brotherhood discussion on the participation in politics is still relevant. The late Jamäl al-Bannä, the youngest brother of Hasan al-Bannä and a liberal Islamic scholar, said in November 2012 that the Brotherhood should not work in politics: "I know this is already too late to mention, but this is also something that my brother Hasan al-Bannä said. They should go back to teaching people."103 A Muslim Brother, Akh al- 'Amal, interviewed for this research confided that he prefers to abstain from politics and would rather focus on the teaching function of the Brotherhood. This Brother recalled the progression of the spread of Islam in society. He said in April 2013, that at the time of the Egyptian Revolution in 2011 the stage of 'Islamizing' the society was not 99 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace 2010. 100 Hoebink 1997, 209. 101 Rogan 2010, 541-542. 102 Kasanwidjojo 2013 (d). 103 Kasanwidjojo 2012. 45 yet completed. He laments that filing a presidential candidate was an imprudent decision, given the hastened process.104 According to Kamal al-Hilbawi, the Brotherhood exists primarily for da 'wa activities. He left the Brotherhood immediately after Khayrat al-Shatir had announced his participation in presidential elections in 2011.105 Experiencing internal disagreement in combination with a rather new, challenging political environment after the Revolution, the Brotherhood prom ised to work with the slogan "participation, not domination." 2.6 Leadership Leaders of the Brotherhood enjoy full authority over the complete organiza tion. To keep members loyal to the murshid, members have to take an oath and swear complete confidence in and absolute obedience to the murshid.106 Political scientist and founder of the Freedom Egypt Party, ‘ Amr Hamzawi and Nathan J. Brown expected murshid Badi‘ would focus less on politics and more on the internal organization of the Brotherhood. Therefore, they predicted in 2010 that the Brotherhood would engage more in community work and internal regulations.107 Badi‘ asserted in a speech addressing a crowd in the city of Damanhür in April, 2011 that the Muslim Brotherhood sought "participation, not domination" through elections.108 Ibrahim al-Hudaybi agreed with Ahmad Najib that those inside the leader ship are considered Qutbis, including Badi‘. Their policy was, according to al-Hudaybi, focused on organizational and procedural questions and in 2013 did not focus on the intellectual matters or the strategy.109 The exception was Issam al-Iriyan, who could be considered a Tilmisäni and was in the leadership of the Brotherhood. A leadership that had become predominantly Q utbisuggests that the hardline view to establish an Islamic state, in which Western views were to be combated, dominated the movement. The influence of Khayrat al-Shatir is debated. He is considered a conservative Qütbi and was a member of the militant wing of the Brotherhood, al- Nizäm al-Khäss. 104 Interview with a Muslim Brother (äkh al- 'amal) 2013. 105 Kasanwidjojo and Smit 2013. 106 Mitchell 1969, 300. 107 Hamzawy and Brown 2010,1-2. 108 Ikhwanweb 2011 (b). 109 Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (c). 46 Al-Futüh belongs to the group of the politically oriented (former) Brothers and is a follower of al-Tilmisäni. Al-Futüh said that his position resulted from his moderate and tolerant vision — a vision he has held since the 70s: "I have never had a hostile viewpoint that excludes the other."110 He explained that his work as a student in the Islamic Movement of Students could be called part conservative, but in a peaceful context. Subsequently, develop-ment took place through parliament, syndicates and other profes sional organi-zations. He stated the conservative part disappeared from his agenda, first in the 1970s, then in the 1980s, 1990s until today.111 Both al-Shätir and al-Futüh had and continue to have their followers inside the Brotherhood. According to Ahmad Najib, al-Shätir flooded the Brother hood with new young recruits from the Delta, thereby creating more supporters for al-Shätir.112 Abd al-Rahim ‘Ali, a senior researcher on Islamist current, explained that having a following within the Brotherhood does not count for a democratic voting process inside the organization. He argued that ha-ving more sup port in the highest circles of the Brotherhood would carry more weight in elections to the highest ranks.113 The message of B a d i's statement of "participation, not domination" was lost in the wake of the parliamentary elections when the Brotherhood filed a presidential candidate. While most of the influential, political oriented reformists, such as al-Futüh and al-Hilbäwi, left the Brotherhood and not all of the Brothers were sure whether political participation was the best op tion, it were the Qutbis who lead the Brotherhood in the first steps of politi cal participation. ‘Amr Hamzäwi explained that factions within the Brotherhood can be distinguished as 'participation-friendly' and 'non-participation-friendly'. Those within the Brotherhood who are participation-friendly are considered to be more open to opposition movements, to cooperate with liberal parties, and are more open to national consensus. Those who are less partic ipation friendly are those who would like to dominate. Hamzäwi remarked that the latter one had the upper hand in the leadership and pushed the Brotherhood to be more dominant. As Hamzäwi explained: ...differences always lead to factions, more participation-friendly and less participation-friendly factions. And that continues to exist. 110 Hulsman, Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (b). 111 Ibid. 112 Kasanwidjojo 2013 (d). 113 Interview with ‘Abd al-Rahim ‘Ali 2013. 47 The more participation-friendly are more accessible to ideas of reaching out to opposition movements to cooperate with liberal par ties to search for national consensus, and the less participationfriendly are not against running in the elections, no, they would like to dominate.. .Saying we will not run candidate in the presidential elections and then end up having at the end of the day a candidate whom they then manage to get elected.114 2.7 Brotherhood Political Participation After 2011 2.7.1 The Freedom and Justice Party In February 2011, shortly after the Egyptian Revolution, murshid Muhammad Badi‘ announced that the Muslim Brotherhood would establish a political party, the Freedom and Justice Party (FJP). According to Badi‘, this party would respond to "the wishes, hopes and aspirations of Egyptians for a brighter future and the restoration of the country's prestige and leadership role."115 As mentioned before, this announcement came as a surprise. Badi‘ was expected to pursue a policy based on strengthening the Brotherhood internally, and, taking into account al-Bannä's stance on party politics, a party es tablishment was rather unexpected. However, the political circumstances provided by the Revolution created an unprecedented opportunity to found a party. The FJP was founded by about 10,000 members of the Brotherhood, of which at least 1,000 members were women.116 On June 6,2011, the party received official legal status and was headed by senior Brotherhood member Muhammad Mursi. They listed 46 women as candidates for the Parlamentary elections. There were initially no Coptic members, even though the FJP had also invited Christians to join the party.117 Yüsuf Sidhum, a prominent Copt and Editor-in-Chief of the weekly Watani (my country) since 1986, met with FJP leaders in the fall of 2011. According to Sidhum, the FJP wanted to show Egypt that they were able to create a democracy and protect minorities. "The meetings were good but we need to keep this dialogue going without compromising our objectives," Sidhum said about these meetings.118 Some Copts eventually became active within 114 Smit, Kasanwidjojo and Gjorvad 2013 (a). 115 Ikhwanweb 2011 (a). 116 Interview with Dinä Zakariyya 2012. 117 Shehata 2011. 118 Hulsman 2012 (a). 48 the FJP. Examples were Nähid L am i Jirjis, who was a member of the FJP General Assembly and FJP's Public Relations Committee in Giza,119 and Dr. Rafiq Habib, a Christian researcher who became Vice President of the FJP120 but withdrew after the Constitutional crisis of November-December 2012.121 During the 80 years of grassroots work, the Brotherhood had invested in direct communication with the people and community projects. With the support from the Brotherhood, the FJP had funding, members, a plan, and support. A campaign thus appeared relatively easy, especially in comparison to other Islamist actors, in particular the smaller Salafi parties, such as al-Asäla (the Authenticity Party) and al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya's Hizb al-Binä' wal-Tanmiyya (Building and Development Party). This contributed to their vic tory over these parties taking 235 seats in their first participation as a party in the parliamentary elections in January 2012.122 The FJP allowed women and youth to participate in politics. You can be politically active once you are 18 years old. The average percentage of youth within the FJP is 40%, 20% are women in the Giza district and overall in Egypt. We also have Christians in the party but I do not know how many exactly. ‘Ali Khafäji explained in April 2013.123 Women have been part of the Muslim Brotherhood for decades, but it was too risky to admit their membership under the tight intelligence grip of Mubärak and other former Egyptian presidents. Allegedly, men put themselves in danger, but women needed to be protected as they were the primary caretakers of the family.124 The Revolution diminished the threat of arrests for Muslim Brotherhood members, and thus also for women. In July 2013, during the Muslim Brotherhood sit-in at Räba 'a al- 'Adawiyya Square, al-Bannä's granddaughter W afäH afni declared: "now you find all the women in R äbaa because they all know us. If they take people, they are going to take men and women, they took women from the Presidential Pa lace, part of the people that have been imprisoned are women."125 According to ‘Ali Khafaji the FJP had become the biggest party in Egypt and even the biggest political group in the world. He claimed that this was 119 Ikhwanweb 2012 (e). 120 Casper 2011 (a). 121 Phone-call Cornelis Hulsman with Habib in January 2013. 122 Agence France Presse 2012. 123 Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (e). 124 Interview with a Muslim Brother (akh al- 'amal) 2013. 125 Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (d). 49 the result of the application of a moderate, less conservative approach to Islam: We are a civil party with Islamic background, we do not represent Islam, we want to apply it. As for the other parties, they actually share the same beliefs, we do not have a problem with that. But how we see the process is quite different. ‘Ali Khafäji explained in April 2013. Khafäji noted that the FJP had two of fices: a political office and a Supreme Council. Prominent Muslim Brother hood member Sa ‘ d al-Katätni was the leader of the political office. Political decisions were made by both offices together.126 For the public, however, the FJP and the Muslim Brotherhood are considered one and the same. Members who acted on behalf of the FJP were not permitted to continue to be active in the Muslim Brotherhood organization.127 According to al-Bannä's granddaughter W afäH afni, and Walid al-Haddäd, foreign affairs spokesperson of the FJP, the Muslim Brother hood is the FJP in the sense that every Muslim Brother automatically became part of the FJP, but not every member of the FJP was a member of the Brotherhood.128 The FJP and the Muslim Brotherhood were administratively separated, but FJP leaders were formerly prominent leaders within the Muslim Brother hood. As a result, they shared an identical ideology. According to Hamzäwi, this was the biggest challenge of the Brotherhood and the FJP, "But they have been able to develop an internal democratic structure for their party, in fact much much better than most liberal parties.They have elections, they have regular elections and they have a degree of accountability and transparency, which does not exist elsewhere,"129 he said in 2013. Prof. Abdallah Schleifer agrees with Hamzäwi that "accountability and transparency were not particularly apparent among the political parties opposed to the Muslim-Brotherhood/FJP. But the authoritarian pyramidlike structure of the Muslim Brotherhood also does not match liberal demo cratic political practice. The pyramid's tip, so-to-speak, is the Supreme Guide to whom members must submit on policy. This 'democratic struc ture' within the Muslim Brotherhood far more resembles 'Democratic Centralism' of Marxist-Leninists parties at the time of Stalin. The differenceis 126 Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (e). 127 Kasanwidjojo 2013 (d). 128 Smit and Kasanwidjojo2013 (d), (f). 129 Smit, Kasanwidjojo and Gjorvad 2013 (a). 50 that in a Leninist party the Supreme Guide is called the Secretary- General."130 2.7.2 The Political Project of the Brotherhood The most important part of the political ideology of the Brotherhood re mained the importance of Islam as 'the solutionh According to Richard P. Mitchell, al-Bannä's call for constitutional reform lay in the slogan "Al- Qur 'än is our constitution," which was linked to his slogan "reform of the law," with which he pointed at the Shari a.131 But the political plan had to be adapted to the situation. ‘ Amr Hamzäwi and Nathan J. Brown note that until the 1990s the political focus points of the Muslim Brotherhood were narrowed to the application of Shari'a as well as religious and moral values. Since its political reform in 2000, human rights and socio-economic policies have been added to their political agenda; however, the vague stance on women's rights and sectarian relations between Muslims and Copts remained.132 With the founding of the FJP, the political values and ideas of the Brother hood had to shift away from opposition statements to government rule, while still being based on the core principles of the organization. In April 2012, the FJP presented the N ahda133 (Renaissance) plan, or "politi cal project," a detailed plan the Brotherhood had been developing for the previous 15 years.134 The Nahda plan "aims to re-build the Egyptian person, the Egyptian society and the Egyptian nation, build its strength, and entrench the values of moderation, balance and tolerance in its thought, with an Islamic reference and a modern cultural identity for the enlightened, noble people of Egypt."135 According to Ahmad Kamäl, akh al- 'amal and FJP Youth Leader of Southern Cairo, there had always been a political plan to rule, but this plan had never 130 Interview Cornelis Hulsman with Prof. Abdallah Schleifer, November 22, 2015. 131 Mitchell 1969, 260. 132 Hamzawy and Brown 2010,16. 133 The name "Nahda" refers to the earlier nahda, the secular cultural revival in the Arab world at the end of the 19th century and beginning of the 20th Century in which the core actors were Arab Christians and secular Muslims. Where Chris tians and secular Muslims focused on the Arab heritage Islamists aimed at connecting the Arab and Islamic heritage. 134 Ikwanweb 2012 (b). 135 Ibid. 51 been clearly formulated.136 This detailed plan, presented by the FJP and lat er in the presidential program of Mursi, claimed to cover all aspects of so ciety.137 Key points of Nahda were the "building of a political system, trans formation to a developmental economy, societal empowerment, comprehensive human resource development, building of a safety and security sys tem, regional and international leadership, and files under focus, i.e. women's empowerment, the status of al-Azhar and Copts."138 In a speech al-Shätir gave in Alexandria entitled, "Features of Nahda: Gams of the Revolution and the horizons for developing" on April 21,2011 he did not discuss the plan in depth, although it was considered an important roadmap for rebuilding Egypt.139 In that same speech al-Shätir mentioned that "the project does not exist on the level of planning or formulation."140 This showed that there was no specific pragmatic political approach on how to reach the points listed in the Nahda plan. 2.7.3 M uslim Brotherhood Political Presence and the Ballot Box After January 25, 2011 The Revolution unseated President Husni Mubärak, and left Egypt with the interim rule of the Supreme Council of Armed Forces (SCAF), which in February 2011 dissolved the Parliament and suspended the Constitution. 2011 marked a year of public struggle against the SCAF and preparation for rebuilding of political institutions. The Brotherhood initially did not file a presidential candidate, but focused instead on the formation of the FJP and advocated for democracy in gener al. At the beginning of February 2011 Mursi said: "w e will not have a presi dential candidate, we want to participate and help, we are not seeking power."141 The first post-Revolutionary parliamentary elections in December 2011- January 2012 were dominated by Islamists. The FJP won 235 seats (47.2%), alongside the Salafi Hizb al-Nür (the Light Party), which won 121 seats (24.3%).142 136 Kasanwidjojo and Gjorvad 2013 (a). 137 The Freedom and Justice Party 2011. 138 Ikhwanweb 2012 (c). 139 Ibid. 140 Tadros 2013. 141 CNN 2011. 142 Agence France Presse 2012. 52 A month later in the elections for the Upper House, or the Shürä Council, the same parties won. The FJP won a total of 107 seats (58.8%) and the Nür Party won 46 seats (25.5%).143The FJP claimed in 2012 that this result illustrated the continued confidence of the Egyptian people in the FJP.144 Meanwhile, the Parliament had provided 50 out of the 70 Islamists who became part of the 100-member Constituent Assembly drafting the Constitu tion. In April 2012, the administrative court ruled that the composition of the assembly was violating the constitutional declaration by ha-ving doubled the permitted number of members in the Parliament and the Con stituent Assembly. The assembly was led by Sa'd al-Katätni, the same lawmaker who was at the time the speaker of the Parliament and a member of the Brotherhood. Adding to that, just weeks before, people demonstrated against the poor representation of women and Christians. People walked out of the assembly. The administrative court suspended the first Constitu ent Assembly.145 During this time of debates about the Constituent Assembly, the FJP announced, almost at the same time, the participation of Khayrat al-Shätir in the presidential elections.146 The decision to nominate al-Shätir as a presi dential candidate was, according to Kamäl al-Hilbäwi, supported by 56 for and 52 against this decision in the Muslim Brotherhood's Shürä Council, thus showing the division within the Shürä Council.147 First of all, this coincided with the end of ' Abd al-Mun'im Abü al-Futüh's Brotherhood membership after he had announced that he considered par ticipation in the presidential elections just a year earlier.148 Secondly, the decision also coincided with numerous claims that the Bro therhood would not strive for domination, nor would participate in the presidential elections. At the end of May 2012, the first round of presidential elections started. Just days before the second round of the presidential elections, the Parliament was dissolved by the Supreme Constitutional Court.149 The newly-elected president would thus go unchecked by an elected house and a charter of rules. 143 Egypt Independent 2012 (b). 144 Ikhwanweb 2012 (b). 145 Kirkpatrick 2012 (a). Following this a second Constituent Assembly was formed. 146 Russia Today 2012. 147 Fouda 2012. 148 Pargeter 2013, 231. 149 Hearst and Hussein 2012. 53 On June 24,2012, the Brotherhood experienced their greatest triumph when the Egyptian Presidential Election committee announced that presidential candidate Muhammad Mursi had won the presidential elections with 51.7% in the second round.150 The results, however, were announced after a week of uncertainty and negotiations and were heavily disputed by his opponent Ahmad Shafiq.151 Meanwhile, the FJP obtained the most seats out of any party in the second Constitutional Assembly.152 In February 2013, former assembly member and former member of al-Wafd Party, George Masiha listed the affiliations of all members of this assembly, showing 55 Islamists, 26 non-Islamists and 19 independents before the walk-out of opponents to the Islamists domi nated procedures. Since a minimum of 85 members were needed for the vote, members were replaced resulting in 64 Islamists, 12 non-Islamists and 9 independents showing this assembly was dominated by Islamists.153 The overwhelming presence of the Brotherhood in the political arena increased the doubts about the claims of "participation, not domination" among non-Islamists. 2.7.4 Divisions Following the Revolution Before the Revolution of 2011, the first politically organized Brotherhood offshoot was al-Wasat Party in 1996. According to Ibrähim al-Hudaybi, the Revolution not only brought a political party (the FJP) that was formally separated from the Brotherhood, but it also caused internal discord and conflict within the Brotherhood.154 After the Revolution, two other political parties that included former Mus lim Brotherhood members were founded: the Strong Egypt Party, headed by influential former Muslim Brother and former presidential candidate, ‘ Abd al-Mun‘ im Abü al-Futüh, and the Egyptian Current Party, founded by former Muslim Brothers, Muhammad al-Qazzäz and Isläm Lutfi. 2.7.4.1 Strong Egypt Party According to the party's founder, ‘Abd al-Mun‘im Abü al-Futüh, the Strong Egypt Party had 10,500 members in June, 2013.155 Al-Futüh holds an inter 150 Kirkpatrick 2012 (c). 151 Hulsman 2014 (a). 152 Ahram Online 2012 (a). 153 Casper 2013 (b). 154 Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (c). 155 Hulsman, Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (b). 54 esting position. Not only is he a former member of the Brotherhood, but he was also said to be a candidate for the Supreme Guide position in 2010 and was an independent presidential candidate in 2012. Al-Futüh had to leave the Brotherhood because of his disagreement with the leadership of the par ty about his participation in the presidential elections of 2012. This could be seen as a conflict between al-Shatir and al-Futüh as both wanted to participate in the newly shaped political landscape but both hold different ideas; as previously mentioned al-Futüh is considered a Tilmisäni, whereas al- Shatir is considered a Qutbi. Al-Futüh shares a long history with the Brotherhood and many believe he still has ties but his membership cannot be proven. Ahmad Najib says al- Futüh said that he did not leave the Brotherhood 'administratively' but was kicked out.156 ‘Abd al-Mun im al-Mashshat, Dean of the Faculty of Econom ics and Political Science at the Future University in Egypt, believed al-Futüh remained strongly linked to the Muslim Brotherhood.157 Al-Futüh acknowledged personal relations in June 2013 but denied formal ties and involvement with the Brotherhood: I announced that I was an independent candidate and was consequently no longer affiliated to the Muslim Brotherhood. There is no relation and there is no participation in any activities with them, just like I do not participate in the activities of the Constitution Party or al-Jamä'a al-Islämiyya. But there are still the human relationships since we are all Egyptians, and these relationships are good.158 The links with the Brotherhood appeared to be ambiguous and raised the question whether al-Futüh could still serve the interests of the Brotherhood and influence internal matters. 2.7.4.2 Egyptian Current Party The Egyptian Current Party had an interesting composition. With their registration still under construction in 2013, the party had 1,500 members of which 20% are former Muslim Brotherhood members. 30% of the party was apolitical and 50% was predominantly left-leaning, of which 20% was "a bit radical," according to Ahmad Najib, Egypt Current Party's coordinator for external affairs and member of the trade committee.159 156 Kasanwidjojo 2013 (d). 157 Interview with ‘Abd al-Mun‘im al-Mashshat 2013. 158 Hulsman, Smith and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (b). 159 Ibid. 55 The party wanted to be non-ideological. That is, according to Ahmad Najib, the reason why all of the different groups were able to stay together.160 The youth in this party were responsible for the presidential campaign of al- Futüh in 2012. Ahmad Najib said that al-Futüh originally planned the Strong Egypt Party to be the development section and the Egyptian Current Party the political section of his political ambitions, but he never pursued this plan. In June 2013, the relationship between the two parties had, according to Ahmad Najib, become one of both love and hate: We both believe that we are ultimately meant for each other. At the same time we hate the politics of getting together. There are camps within each group, that are definitely for consolidation of efforts, endeavours and authorities and there are groups who are completely against. At our end, those who are against [unifying] believe that Egyptian Current is a non-ideological, non-oligarchic party, not based on a person, like al-Futüh, but on the youth. This is our competitive edge, that we are a revolutionary youth based party.161 Due to the number of former Muslim Brothers and the role of members of the Egyptian Current Party in campaigning for the presidential race of al- Futüh, they are often placed in the Islamists' corner. However, the biggest difference between the two parties was that the Egyptian Current Party lacked a clear unified stance on the role of the Shari'a. The challenges that the various groups originating from the Muslim Bro therhood, revolutionaries, and leftists faced was the core issue that created a sense of loyalty towards these parties. 2.8 The Brotherhood in Power and Their Fall from Power The actual rule of the Mursi Administration began when the support for the FJP was already in decline. In March 2012, months before the presidential elections, the strong presence of the FJP within the first Constituent Assembly was heavily criticized. Political groups, such as Hizb al-Misriyyin al-Ahrär (Free Egyptians Party, Tahälufal-Thawra Mustamirra (Revolution Continues Alliance), and al-Hizb al-Misri al-Dimüqräti al-Ijtimä 'i (Egyptian Social Democratic Party) criticized the FJP and the Salafi al-Nür Party for dominating the assembly, therefore diminishing the principles of consensus and participation.162 The first Con- 160 Kasanwidjojo 2013 (d). 161 Ibid. 162 Egypt Independent 2012 (c). 56 stituent Assembly was dissolved and a second, more balanced assembly was formed with fewer FJP members but the influence of the FJP remained nevertheless very large.163 Days before Muhammad Mursi's election as president in June 2012, the FJP-dominated Parliament was dissolved by the Supreme Court, yet the work of the second Constituent Assembly, still containing an Islamist majority, was about to begin. 2.8.1 Public Support for the Brotherhood Initial public support for the Muslim Brotherhood rested on the Brotherhood's actions during the Revolution, their initial, humble approach in poli tics and their status as the main opposition to the former regime. People can voice their desire for legitimacy in various ways. The ballot box is a democratic indicator of public support, but millions of people demonstrating in the streets are also a clear indicator of public support. Brotherhood leader, Issäm al- Iriyän, gave an official statement during the January 25 Revolution in which he claimed that the Brotherhood was not officially participating in it, while at the same time stressed that the youth should be able to express their anger. Members were giving instructions in the mosques to demonstrate at specific locations in town. According to a Muslim Brother, this speech was understood by Brothers to go out and demonstrate.164 Ahmad Najib, co-founder of the Council of Trustees of the Revolution, coorganized the first sit-ins at Tahrir Square and took the responsibility to protect the square against violence by the security forces. The actual physical presence of the Muslim Brotherhood came, according to Najib, on Janu ary 30,2011, after demonstrators were fired upon the day before. Najib was there together with Brotherhood sympathizer, Safwat Hijäzi, and Muslim Brotherhood leader, Muhammad al-Biltaji.165They told Najib that young people of the Brotherhood were mobilized and ready to be sent off to parts of the square. Najib explained that Muslim Brotherhood members made great sacrifices at Tahrir Square: "This is why we thought of giving them [the Brotherhood] a chance. And little did we know back then."166 Firstly, public support derived from the fact that the Brotherhood worked on the ground for over 80 years and had done grassroots community work. Ali Khafäji said that the most important department of the FJP was the one 163 Hulsman (ed.) 2013 (a). 164 Shukrallah 2011. 165 Kasanwidjojo 2013 (d). 166 Ibid. 57 working on community projects. This initiative had been founded by the Brotherhood. The key to reaching the people had been in the communication and language of the FJP. The "Let's Build Egypt Project," in which the FJP and the Muslim Brotherhood worked together in establishing social projects, benefitted more than 500,000 people, according to Khafäji.167 Secondly, the Brotherhood initially took a humble approach of participating in politics by founding a political party and not filing a presidential candi date, indicating that they were not aspiring to control all of the state institutions.168 A third area for public support was the Brotherhood's suppression for decades under Mubärak and its opposition to the former regime. For those who fought to bring down the Mubärak regime, Mursi was considered the lesser of two evils in the second round of the presidential elections. Youth members of the April 6 Movement were positive about Mursi's electoral victory. They did not support Mursi, but they hated the former regime, believed to be represented by presidential candidate Ahmad Shafiq.169 2.8.2 Challenges During M ursi's Presidency The Brotherhood began their political participation with experience in poli tics as an opposition movement. They were seen, mostly by Islamists, as a viable alternative to replace the former leading al-Hizb al-Watani al- Dimüqräti (National Democratic Party) of Mubärak. However, the belief that they were able to replace the old guard, rapidly evaporated. Both Ibrähim al-Hudaybi and ' Amr Hamzäwi stated in April and May 2013 that the Brotherhood as a movement did not perform well. Al-Hudaybi explained that "M y problem with the Muslim Brotherhood is with the meritocracy. They are not working."170 Hamzäwi said, "The Muslim Brotherhood is losing that image of being a meritocratic movement... It is not performing that well." He remarked that they had lost trust and were seen as a distant and remote ruling party.171 To state that the Brotherhood, the FJP, and the Presidency were the only ones responsible for their political fate is debatable. In this section, an ac count will be given from those directly involved in governance and those in opposition during Mursi's tenure as president. On the one hand some argue 167 Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (e). 168 Saleh 2011. 169 Kirkpatrick 2012 (c). 170 Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (c). 171 Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (b). 58 that any person, not just the Brotherhood, would have struggled in those circumstances in post-revolution Egypt. Conversely, there are those who blame the Muslim Brotherhood for their own downfall. Public mistakes were made, but it is unclear to what extent President Mursi, the FJP, and the Brotherhood had succumbed to difficult circumstances. Inside the Brotherhood there were members who disagreed with the politi cal direction of the Brotherhood. Former Brotherhood members and mem bers of the opposition argued that the Brotherhood, the Presidency, and the FJP needed to retreat from politics. This was best summed up by the late Jamäl al-Bannä in November 2012, "the Muslim Brotherhood is strong, but too weak to lead Egypt." Jamäl Al-Bannä briefly highlighted the main prob lems: It starts with the decree now, but besides that, they do not listen to anyone. They do not have any expertise in leading and have been underground for a long time. The Revolution came as a surprise and they were eager to catch the authority. True democracy is not in their belief. To conclude, they have no idea about Shari 'a. Their opinion about Shari 'a differs from the Salafis, it cannot be implemented in both ways.172 Externally, the Brotherhood was losing popularity. The attacks on headquarters and party buildings of the FJP increased dramatically after the widely opposed presidential decree at the end November 2012 that made it possible for the president to overrule court decisions. But the Muslim Brothers saw this differently. As Walid al-Haddäd said, Actually we have faced 38 or 39 attacks on our headquarters and we are considering this not an expression of rights of other political forces, but using the extra violations in order to make the president changing his decisions and maybe leaving the power or the presi dential palace to other political forces, this is not democracy.173 2.8.3 Political Decisions and M istakes Political decisions triggered unrest and demonstrations. Decisive triggers included the Presidential Decree in November 2012, economic decisions, internal security, dwindling Christian support and the Ethiopian plan for building a dam in the Blue Nile, a major source of water for Egypt. Most agreed that the Presidency made mistakes, but there remained an extreme difference of opinion about the justification for the removal of Mursi. 172 Kasanwidjojo 2012. 173 Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (f). 59 Ishtishhäd al-Bannä said in July 2013 that the Muslim Brotherhood took power prematurely.174 Kamäl al-Hilbäwi left the Brotherhood immediately after they announced they would participate in presidential elections. He thinks the Brotherhood should promote da 'wa and not get involved in politics. "I saw lesser concentration on da 'wa and tarbiyya (education), and more concentration on politics."175 The departure of prominent figures, like Muhammad Habib, Abü al-Futüh, and Kamäl al-Hilbäwi, also reduced internal support within the organiza tion. These men left to realize their political ambitions in other parties that also supported their revolutionary wishes, while still having a strong Islam ist base. Samuel Tadros (Sämüil Tädrus), Research Fellow at Hudson Institute's Cen ter for Religious Freedom, argues that the Brotherhood was "incompetent and failed miserably in actual governance." He said the Brotherhood lacked any substantial experience in the actual ruling of a state.176 Tadros and Jamäl al-Bannä both argue that the experience of being an op position movement made the Brotherhood unsuitable for the actual ruling of Egypt's bureaucracy. As Hamzäwi stated in April 2013, they were heading towards domination more than participation.177 2.8.3.1 Pluralism and Inclusivity With new opportunities for the establishment of new parties after the Revo lution and therefore more choice for the electorate, pluralism and inclusivi ty were important premises to participate in democratic politics. The Brotherhood's stance towards pluralism has been ambiguous. Their recent acceptance of other political parties created a lack of trust from conservative members, who were blinded by the Brotherhood's argument to make the country more Islamic. In 2011 the FJP led the formation of the Democratic Alliance for Egypt which consisted of the FJP, Nasserists and Hamdin Sabähi's Hizb al-Karäma (the Dignity Party). Hamzäwi noted that, directly after the election of Mursi, the FJP was more willing to build a consensus, participation, and a coalition with non-religious and non-right-wing parties than they were in April 2013. 174 Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (d). 175 Kasanwidjojo 2013 (e). 176 Tadros 2013. 177 Smit, Kasanwidjojo and Gjorvad 2013 (a). 60 In August 2012, Mursi appointed four assistants, representing different groups of Egyptian society which showed a direction towards consensus building: Samir Marqus, a liberal and Coptic Orthodox Christian; Bäkinäm al-Sharqäwi, a female Muslim scholar; Issäm al-Haddäd, who was a senior member of the Muslim Brotherhood; and Imäd ‘Abd al-Ghaffur of the Salafi al-Nür Party.178 In April 2013 this had radically changed. "They [the FJP] are becoming more closed," Hamzäwi said. It became clear that they only selectively cooperated with parties outside of their own spectrum.179 Tadros talked about "zero-sum politics," indicating the way the FJP put the non-Islamist parties offside, leaving them with nothing more than the wish of the fall of the Mursi regime.180 Senior Brotherhood member and FJP minister, ‘ Amr Darräj, however, said others refused to cooperate.181 On May 7,2013, positions in the cabinet were reshuffled. Mursi did consult non-Islamist leaders, but they refused to coo perate. He founded a cabinet with five Muslim Brotherhood ministers and several technocrat ministers.182 2.8.3.2 Presidential Decree The Presidential Decree of November 22,2012, that immunised the Constituent Assembly and Shürä Council from a pending dissolution through an order of the Supreme Constitutional Court was widely seen as the most im portant event that marked the policy change of the FJP and it relations to wards the opposition.183 Samuel Tadros recounts the observations of various researchers who noticed dictatorial moves, the alienation of allies, the failure to reach the electorate after being elected and the ignorance of criticisms. In his view their policy amounted to a power grab.184 178 Hulsman 2012 (e). 179 Ibid. 180 Tadros 2013. 181 Hulsman and Schoorel 2013. 182 Hulsman (ed.) 2013 (b). 183 Ahram Online 2012 (d). 184 Tadros 2013. 61 Muslim Brotherhood members who did not support the plan inside the Brotherhood had to go. Researcher Roel Meijer called their political plan the "majority strategy," i.e. the desire to seize power and rule the majority.185 Mursi granted himself all the necessary authority to "protect" what was called "the goals of the Revolution."In the view of the Brothers at the time the remnants of the old regime, fulül, needed to be eradicated from the state institutions.186 Mursi extended the work of the Constituent Assembly by another two months.187 The integrity of the assembly had been diminished weeks earlier, as twenty out of the one hundred members who were responsible for writing a new constitution had walked out.188 Mursi tried to placate the revolutionaries by increasing the pensions and widening the net of recipients calling for revolutionary trials and removing the sitting Prosecutor General.189 Mass demonstrations resulted leading to clashes at the Presidential Pa-lace on December 5, 2012, which left four protesters dead and hundreds wounded.190 Mursi's supporters believe he had no other choice. Former presidential advisor, Wa il Hadara, not a member of the Muslim Brotherhood, believed that the only way for Mursi to preserve the Constituent Assembly and to continue the project of writing the Constitution was to place himself above the law. Hadara said: "the president was legitimately concerned that the Supreme Constitutional Court would annul both, leaving Egypt without an elected house and without a mechanism for writing the constitution. (...) For a variety of reasons, some legitimate, others political, the constitutional declaration was met with extreme disapproval, including street demonstra tions and attacks on the Presidential palace. The President extended an invi tation to public figures, legal experts and opposition parties. Most opposi tion parties refused to participate."191 Huda al-‘Awad (Hoda Awad), Professor of Political Science, believes the decree and the aftermath were the starting point for military plans to re- 185 Meijer 2013,1. 186 Ahram Online 2012 (d). 187 Sabry 2012. 188 Ahram Online 2012 (f). 189 Sabry 2012. 190 Egypt Independent 2012 (h). 191 Hadara 2013; Hulsman (ed.), Serödio, and Casper 2013 (a). 62 move Mursi.192 Darräj, however, believes the military had planned Mursi's removal earlier on.193 Sämih Sayf al-Yazal, former Egyptian army general and advisor to the gov ernment of Adli Mansür, agreed in December 2013 that the decree was Mursi's biggest blunder.194 Mursi relinquished his acquired rights on De cember 8, but he continued with the constitutional referendum, which resulted in new mass demonstrations.195 The Presidency did everything to uphold the possibility of issuing a consti tution under the leadership of Mursi. The referendum continued and was approved by 63.8% after two voting rounds in December, 2012, however, with a low turnout of just over 32.9%.196 2.8.3.3 Christian Support Mursi stated in June, 2012 that he would be the president for all Egyptians, believing in equal citizenship for all: I turn to you all on this historic day, in which I have become presi dent of all Egyptians, equally. Everyone will be afforded due respect, without any privilege, except that rendered by their service to our nation and their respect for the constitution and the law.197 His statement aimed at reassuring Christians whose support for Brother hood rule had been minimal from the start. Yüsuf Sidhum estimated that 60% of the Copts voted for Shafiq in the first round of the presidential elec tions. According to Sidhum, this was a choice between political Islam and a civil state, of which Copts preferred the latter.198 In the second round of the presidential elections, a great majority of the Copts voted for Shafiq. Copts were then accused of supporting the old re gime, therefore being anti-revolutionary.199 Mariz Tadros, a fellow at the Institute of Development Studies of the Uni versity of Sussex in Great Britain, notes that there was an increase in sectarian violence against Christians during the power vacuum after the Revolu 192 Interview with Dr. Hudä al-‘Awad, July 20, 2013, in Hulsman (ed.) 2013 (a), 45. 193 Hulsman and Schoorel 2013. 194 Interview with Sämih Sayf al-Yazal 2013. 195 Hulsman (ed.) 2013 (b). 196 Al-Ali 2012. 197 Morsi 2012. 198 Casper 2012. 199 Meleka 2012. 63 tion.200 She adds that in June 2013 a strong perception amongst interviewed Copts who saw the Islamists acting as if they enjoyed absolute power in government and society, and were accountable to no one.201 2.8.3.4 Economy Economically, the regime under Mursi had a hard time accomplishing their main program points. The Nahda plan described 100 national projects each exceeding one billion dollars, which was supposed to guarantee a growth in the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) with 6.5-7% in five years. There was also a promise that the employment rate would decrease by 5% each year.202 The jobless rate in Egypt had risen from 9% to 13% in two years.203 Jihäd al-Haddäd, the Brotherhood official responsible for economic recov ery, blamed the government bureaucracy for obstructing reforms. Al- Haddäd claimed in May 2013 that the priorities remain vibrant, but that there was a lack of financial and human resources.204 A loan from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) could have helped Egypt with the needed resources at that moment but after more than 20 months205 of arguing, the $4.8 billion loan had not been signed.206 Ibrähim al-Hudaybi explains the reluctance from the side of the Brotherhood to come to an agreement to their initial stance on independence. By signing an agreement with the IMF, the Presidency would have compelled Egypt to pay back the loan to a 'W estern' institution.207 2.8.3.5 Security The Presidency kept the Israeli-Egyptian peace treaty of 1979, played a role in negotiating the Israel-Gaza ceasefire in 2012, and tried to keep jihadists under control in the Sinai. Aside of that, the Presidency attempted to reform the intelligence apparatus.208 200 Tadros M. 2013. 201 Ibid. 202 Ikhwanweb 2012 (c). 203 Halime 2013. 204 Ibid. 205 The SCAF, ruling after the Egyptian Revolution of 2011, opposed the IMF loan already, as it did not want more debt. Fahmy, N. 2013. 206 Ibid. 207 Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (c). 208 Laub 2013. 64 Mariz Tadros concluded that despite these attempts the Mursi Presidency was unable to ensuring security in public.209 The crime rate in Egypt tripled, according to data of the Ministry of Interior, after the Revolution in 2011.210 Analysist believed state institutions like the intelligence apparatus were in need of reform.211 Political scientist Dr. Nädiya Mustafä voiced in May 2013 a much heard be lief among Islamists that the security forces and the army have always been against Islamists in power, leaving Mursi the impossible task of reforming institutions with decades of experience of fighting against the Brotherhood. Nädiya Mustafä distinguished, however, between the police and army. The army "is a nationalist institution," she said. "The main body of the security forces are with the people though, not with those who are governing."212 2.8.3.6 Ethiopian Dam Ethiopia announced at the end of May 2013 plans to build the Grand Re naissance Dam along the Blue Nile, which could have dire consequences for Egypt's water resources.213 In response, Islamist politicians and secular allies of the Brotherhood met to discuss this, unaware that this meeting was aired live. Some politicians believed this dam to be a secret plot by the Americans and the Israelis.214 FJP leader, Sa ' d al-Katätni said that Egyptians had a historically based right to Nile water. It is Egypt's "right to defend it by any means necessary."215 What this meant became clear on June 10 when President Mursi assured an Islamist public that he would defend Egypt's Nile water with "blood if ne cessary." At the same time, he pointed out that dialogue was the best option.216 Mursi's statement sounded severe, but Sämih Sayf al-Yazal also asserted that Egypt would do whatever it would take to defend the water from the Nile since this is Egypt's main source of water.217 209 Tadros M. 2013. 210 Daragahi 2013. 211 Ibid. 212 Smit, Kasanwidjojo and Mascarenhas-Keyes 2013. 213 Ahram Online 2013 (f). 214 Stack 2013. 215 Ahram Online 2013 (f). 216 El Sharnoubi 2013. 217 Interview with Sämih Sayf al-Yazal 2013 65 Many believed Mursi's statement came much too late since the precidency had been aware of the Ethiopean plans since 2011. That he, nevertheless, made a strong sounding public statement in June was believed to be aimed at taking attention away from the boiling unrest in the streets of those days. His statement was made just days before big protests were announced.218 2.8.3.7 'Brotherhoodization' The liberal opposition to Mursi argued that he fostered a 'Brotherhoodiza tion' of the state. Mursi's government was accused of rampant nepotism in the appointment of large numbers of Muslim Brotherhood members in go vernmental positions, such as ministers, governors, and senior administra tors in various ministries. Islamists disputed this. Dr. Nädiya Mustafä responded that the accusation of 'Brotherhoodization' presumes that Islam is dictatorship. She pointed to the behavior of certain groups who were convinced from the beginning that any Islamist who will come to power would create a dictatorship. Nädiya Mustafä said Islamists were not able to rule the country since Egypt did not have all the needed political institutions, such as a Parliament. She did not find it surprising that in such circumstances the president picked assistants and councilors from his own party.219 Ahmad Kamäl agreed with Nädiya Mustafä and underlined that Mursi only could secure his plan with people in place who understood this plan.220 Walid al-Haddäd stressed that the FJP and its allies had the majority in the Parliament that was dissolved in June 2012.221 Al-Haddäd said, after earlier technocrat cabinets had failed, that the FJP had to become a real ruling par ty, the cabinet, including the Prime Minister, needed to be formed completely by the FJP. At the time Walid al-Haddäd stated this there was no FJP prime minister and there were 9 FJP ministers out of a total of 35.222 Mursi appointed in May 2013 seventeen governors who were all Brother hood members or affiliated with the organization. The most controversial of these appointments was Ädil As ad al-Khayyät, a member of the Building and Development Party of the Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya, in Luxor. This stuck a nerve with many as the Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya had committed a large-scale ter 218 Kantor 2014. 219 Smit, Kasanwidjojo and Mascarenhas-Keyes 2013. 220 Kasanwidjojo and Gjorvad (a). 221 Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (f). 222 Ibid. 66 rorist attack in Luxor in 1997 leaving 62 people, mostly tourists, dead.223 The Minister of Tourism, Hishäm Za‘zü ‘, even threatened to resign.224 The widespread critique to this appointment made al-Khayyät hand in his res ignation at the end of June. Mursi's rule was challenged. The opposition called the approach of the Presidency and the FJP "authoritarian." Public support for the president declined and demonstrations increased. The Presidency and the FJP claimed in response that the presence of remnants of the Mubärak regime posed a serious challenge to the reform of the security apparatus and the implementation of their political plan. They argued that people needed to be instated in political places who understood the political plan. 2.8.4 After June 30, 2013 In the wake of the June 30 protests calling for Mursi to step down, supporters of Mursi took to the street to show their support for the president. Me dia reported numbers varying between 14 to 33 million demonstrating against Mursi. The day reminded most of the Egyptians of the early days of the 2011 Revolution. June 30 passed with high rates of sexual harassment, 16 people killed, over 700 people wounded, as well as attacks on the Brotherhood headquarters.225 The day after, the army issued a 48-hour ultimatum for a political "roadmap." Mursi addressed the nation in a speech on Tuesday night, July 2, 2013. It was remarkable that this speech offered a solution for the political crisis without responding to the demonstrations in the streets. Mursi announced a new government, parliamentary elections within six months, and a committee to review proposals for constitutional amend ments. He also offered a possibility for the youth to be more active in the Parliament and the status of the prosecutor general would be revised. Most of all, Mursi continued to advocate himself as the legitimate, elected presi dent of Egypt and called on the army to withdraw their warning.226 Members of the Muslim Brothers and FJP wanted Mursi to complete four years in office in line with Article 133 of the 2012 Egyptian Constitution.227 Three days after countrywide demonstrations on June 30,2013, Minister of Defense, General ‘ Abd al-Fattäh al-Sisi, in the presence of Muhammad al- 223 Laub 2013. 224 El-Dabh 2013. 225 Anadolu Agency 2013. 226 El Sharnoubi 2013. 227 Youssef 2012. 67 Barada i, Coptic Orthodox Pope Tawadros, and the Grand Mufti of al- Azhar Ahmad al-Tayyib, suspended the Constitution on national television at 9 pm on July 3,2013. Al-Sisi appointed Chief Justice of the Supreme Con stitutional Court, ‘ Adli Mansür, as interim president of Egypt. This measure led directly to the ouster of President Mursi. He was detained in an unknown location.228 On November 4, 2013, Mursi stood trial against the charges of inciting vi olence and murder at the clashes that erupted at the presidential palace in December 2012. During his trial he firmly stated that he "is the legitimate president of the country," refusing to acknowledge the validity of his tri al.229 Mursi held on to this, also when he was sentenced to death.230 With the Brotherhood leadership back to prison, it became hard for them to rule over their members and other supporters.231 Samih Sayf al-Yazal, said in December 2013 that the transition government had invited everybody, including the Muslim Brothers and the FJP, to participate in a political dialogue. The Muslim Brothers and FJP refused. Salafis, however, were part of the dialogue and the Constituent Assembly.232 ‘ Amr Darraj argued that such a dialogue was not possible in the circumstances of those days: "the chairman of my party is in jail; other leaders are in jail; my people are killed in the streets. How would I go and engage with them? It is like pointing a gun at my head and tells me 'why don't we discuss?'"233 Most of the top leaders, including the murshid have been arrested. Hundreds of Muslim Brothers and Brotherhood supporters were killed during a raid by the Egyptian police on pro-Mursi sit-ins in Cairo on August 14, 2013.234 In November 2013, the Brotherhood announced their openness to dialogue on the condition that the crackdown on the organization would stop.235 Brotherhood members continued to defend Mursi as the legitimate presi dent of Egypt and do not accept the governments that followed.236 They re- 228 Ashraf, Spiegel and Peel 2013. 229 Eldeen, El-Tawy and Fathi 2013. 230 Hulsman 2015 (b). 231 Tarek 2013. 232 Interview with Samih Sayf al-Yazal 2013. 233 Hulsman and Schoorel 2013. 234 Ahram Online 2013 (h). 235 Ahram Online 2013 (j). 68 jected for that reason participation in the 50-member committee that drafted a new Constitution.237 Supporters of the ousted president hold on to their case: Mursi was in their view democratically elected and therefore they did not accept his removal from office and keep calling this an illegitimate coup d'etat. The Brotherhood did not concede. 2.9 Conclusion The Brotherhood is one of the oldest Islamic organizations that holds on to an Islamic based politically-active ideology. Founder Hasan al-Bannä wanted the Brotherhood to become an all-encompassing organization that would ultimately 'Islam ize' the whole of society. The Brotherhood developed as a strong hierarchical organization with a secretive recruitment system and a leading ideology. The organization has survived arrests, suppression and a ban since it was founded. Participation in politics has always been a trade-off for the Brotherhood be tween political circumstances - i.e. the space the regime gave the Brother hood, and internal considerations. Decades of fighting foreign oppression, opposing Egyptian regimes and arrests contributed to the initial restraint of the Brotherhood from becoming actively involved in politics. Internally, there have been deep differences over whether to remain focused on da 'wa and social work or whether the organization should participate politically even though they had always been comfortable as a religious opposition movement. The Tilmisänis (politically oriented, more reformative) and Qutbis (more conservative) differed in opinion at the beginning of the 1980s. This re sulted in the formation of separate political factions. When murshid Badi‘ was appointed in 2010, he was expected to take a more conservative approach. With a predominantly Qutbi leadership and a hardlined approach to Western ideologies at the start of the Revolution in 2011, the Brotherhood leadership believed it had opportunities to work towards implementing the Islamic state. The Revolution created an environment in which the Brotherhood was no longer suppressed by the regime. For the first time, the organization was able to establish a political party and field a presidential candidate. Years of grassroots philanthropy benefitted the political campaign. Their Nahda plan, however, lacked a clear approach and solid implementation system, 236 Petricic 2013. 237 Ashraf 2013. 69 and neglected the changing political landscape and pluralism. Their focus was on the creation of an Islamic state without considering fellow political competitors. They insisted that their "revolutionary demands" be satisfied. With the FJP victories in Parliament, the Shürä Council and the Constituent Assembly their official slogan, "participation not domination," seemed to be forgotten. Political decisions were made quickly, leaving behind mem bers whose support was lagging or those who did not want to be part of an organization for which da 'wa was no longer one of the main priorities. Each success for the FJP further encouraged further aspirations to achieve an Islamic state. The Presidential Decree of November 2012, however, cost them dearly, as the decree granted the president unrestricted powers to defend the Revolution's goals, causing fear and anger amongst Egyptians who sensed a return to authoritarian rule. Public support declined and opposi tion to Mursi's rule grew. Meanwhile the country was suffering high crime rates, a failing economy, sectarian tensions, and on top of it all, Mursi was accused of the 'Brotherhoodization' of the state. The Presidency and FJP blamed remnants of the Mubärak regime for challenging their rule which made them determined to appoint members of the Muslim Brotherhood in key positions since only they would understand their political plan but this just made arguments that they were attempting to Brotherhoodize the state stronger. In this political environment the Brotherhood, the FJP, and the president came under increasing public pressure. Many Egyptians could not see the difference between the three institutions and were wondering whether it was in fact the murshid who was ruling Egypt. These tensions fed the plan for mass demonstrations to end Mursi's rule. The army ultimately took the side of the demonstrators and ousted President Mursi. An interim government was installed. The Brotherhood rejected to accept the ousting of their president and invitations for dialogue. The Brotherhood had been careful for decades and worked under the "par ticipation, not domination" slogan under Mubärak, because of the consequences this could have for repression. After the Egyptian Revolution, however, the Brotherhood experienced a safer political environment to participate in and obtained support from the electorate. The process to constructively 'Islamize' the society seemed to be secured. Internally, rifts between the politically oriented Tilmisänis and the more conservative and radicalized, Qutbis, together with a Q uibileadership contributed to policies that contributed to the end of the Brotherhood rule. 70 On top of that, Egypt faced a challenging environment in which reforms were needed while making the first steps toward democracy. The Muslim Brotherhood was declared a terrorist organization by the inte rim government in December 2013.238 Members argue that throughout history the Brotherhood has proven its ability to overcome pressure by re gimes and successfully reorganize. With its deep-rooted history, strong organization, but most of all, its strong ideology, they will certainly not concede so readily. Associated Press 2013. 71 3 Salafi Political Participation and the "Islamic Project" (Quinta Smit) 3.1 Introduction The January 25 Revolution demonstrated a unity of Egyptians that remains largely unprecedented in contemporary Egyptian history. In addition, the revolution witnessed the remarkable rise of political Salafism. Before Janu ary 2011, Egypt's Salafis were a politically marginalized group, primarily concerned with teaching and spreading the word of God. After the January 25 Revolution, a previously unsurpassable political barrier dissolved and created an opportunity for Salafis to become politically active. Since then, Egypt has witnessed the emergence of various parties and movements that identify themselves as Salafi. This chapter provides aframeworkfor the dif ferent Salafi parties and movements that are currently active in Egypt's po litical scene. It analyzes their role in the political arena and suggests that the future stability of Salafi political parties is not at all certain. Moreover, it concludes that Salafi parties are likely to continuously face challenges that may impede the successful materialization of the Salafi goal, namely the creation of an Islamic state governed by Shari 'a, also referred to as the "Is lamic Project." The analysis provided in this chapter is based on discussions with -and opinions of - Salafi political participants, as well as few non-participative Salafis and scholars of political Islam. The chapter begins by discussing the working definitions of Salafism and Islamism. The intention here is to provide an analysis of the current political situation in Egypt based on how those Salafis active in the political scene view themselves, their position, and their future role in the political arena of Egypt. It is important to distinguish between the broader understanding of Salafism and the political Salafism that came out of the Revolution. To clarify this difference, a brief historical overview of Salafism in Egypt will be provided in order to describe the background from which certain Salafis entered the political arena. This is necessary to contextualize and to facilitate comprehension of their aims and ambitions for participating in politics. The bulk of this chapter is devoted to two main arguments used to support the claim that the future stability of Salafi political parties is uncertain, thereby challenging the successful implementation of the "Islamic Project." The first argument sets out the struggle between what can be called religious Salafism and political Salafism. The difficulty of balancing the need to preserve a religiously-conservative identity while simultaneously finding ways to be politically pragmatic presents a struggle that cannot be easily 73 overcome and hence challenges the future stability of Salafi political parties. This section is broken up into four subsections in order to demonstrate when and how this struggle has taken shape. The first subsection explains how, in having become politically active, political Salafis are dividing the Salafi masses more than uniting them. The second subsection presents the dilemma faced by Salafi parties in deciding on the political role of the shaykhs; they are important for mobilizing support, but they generally know very little about economics and politics. The third subsection discusses the implications of the Tamarrud (rebellion) campaign of June 30, 2013 - the massive popular uprising against former president Muhammad Mursi, and the different ways in which parties have responded to this event. Finally, the last subsection scrutinizes the "Islamic Project" and the challenge Salafi parties face in trying to create an Islamic state ruled by Shari 'a while simultaneously taking on a more political role, a process that requires them to make concessions and negotiations. The second main argument suggests that the success of long-term Salafi po litical participation faces many challenges because the parties are a product of the January 25 Revolution. This section discusses the possible implica tions of having a support base that consists largely of revolutionaries. Moreover, it suggests that the majority of Salafi political parties appear to have a revolutionary mindset, in addition to a religious one, instead of a political mindset. Unless this mentality is partially amended, Salafi parties are likely to face difficulties in sustaining a stable position in the political arena. In conclusion, based on the research conducted it appears as though the parties most likely to survive in the future are those with a mother organi zation - the religious movement from which the political party hails and that teaches and spreads the word of God. Of these, al-Nür Party, the politi cal arm of al-Da 'wa al-Salafiyya (the Salafi Call) and currently the biggest Salafi party in the political arena, appears to be the most resilient to the many struggles and challenges facing Salafi parties. Nevertheless, even par ties with a mother organization will constantly need to address and redefine the balance between political Salafism and religious Salafism. This will prove challenging because the very concept of politics stands in stark contrast with the religious purity Salafis believe they should uphold. Before diving into the rest of the chapter, some of the challenges and limitations of this study should be addressed. The still somewhat reserved nature of Salafism and general skepticism towards Western researchers has sometimes made it difficult to get in touch with key figures, in particular influential shaykhs such as Yäsir Burhämi, Häzim Saläh Abü Ismä il, Muhammad ‘ Abd al- Maqsüd, and Muhammad Isma il al-Muqaddim. Muqaddim is a 74 unique case and explained that he did not want to be involved in politics and was therefore unwilling to be interviewed for this chapter because its focus lays solely on Salafi political participation.239 The general skepticism towards Western researchers and the difficulty of getting in touch with key figures, have occasionally made it difficult to judge the verity of certain statements made by those interviewed. Nevertheless, this analysis is a result of careful consideration and numerous interviews with figures of diverging hierarchical statuses, positions, and backgrounds. It thereby hopes to overcome some of the challenges met on the way and provide a comprehensive analysis. Important to bear in mind is that the Salafi opinion expressed in this chapter is that of the political Salafis and does not necessarily represent the Salafi opinion in general. As this chapter is a study of political Salafis, the author mainly targeted those Salafis active on the political scene. 3.2 Defining Concepts The term Salafism has a somewhat negative connotation in Western media and the intention here is to break away from the negative stereotyping to which the terms Salafi and Islamist often give rise. Among a signi-ficant portion of the Western public, the word Salafi raises images of a bearded man who is convinced that Shari 'a must be implemented. In this context, Shari'a is often understood as (capital) punishment and submission of women, instead of the all-encompassing way of life, which it actually entails. These definitions are thereby not only inaccurate, but also insufficient. Understanding a Salafi as someone who wants to apply Shari 'a does not sufficiently distinguish between Salafis and the Muslim Brothers or even jihädi Salafis in Sinai, all of whom may be equally keen to see the implementation of Shari'a. 3.2.1 Salafism The aim here is to offer an understanding of Salafism in general, before expanding further on the concept of political Salafism. The term Salafi is extremely broad, which is precisely the reason it is easily misinterpreted. There are many sub-streams within Salafism, some of which have manifested themselves as more extreme and radical movements willing to use violent measures in order to reach their goals. Jayson Casper discusses these groups in chapter five. During an interview held on April 18, 2013 with Muhammad Saläh, a politically non -active shaykh and well-known This was explained by shaykh Muhammad Isma‘il al-Muqaddim in phone call with Cornelis Hulsman, Cairo, Egypt, December 3,2012. This sets al-Muqaddim apart from the other shaykhs. 75 presenter on the Islamic channel, Huda TV, Saläh explains that Salafi also refers to individuals of a more quietist nature, meaning those Salafis who concern themselves with peaceful preaching, spreading the word of God and encouraging people to always refer to the Islamic sources: the Qur 'än and the correct Hadiths240- a collection of sayings that are attributed to Prophet Muhammad and witnessed by his companions and the Caliphs who followed him.241 Salafi literally means "follower of devout ancestors," so in the broadest meaning of the word any Muslim can be called a Salafi. In a more limited scope however, Salafi refers to an individual who believes he or she should narrowly follow the example set out by Prophet Muhammad. According to Bassäm al-Zarqä, leading member of al-Nür Party, "the meaning of Salafism is one of transparency. [...] Salafism is the fundamental principles that Prophet Muhammad said and gave to his close friends, which they passed on until it reached us."242 It is believed that the first few generations immediately following Prophet Muhammad were most informed of how the Prophet lived and it is their example that Salafis aim to follow. A Salafi thus believes in the need to return to the Islamic faith, as it existed at the time of the Prophet and the first generations of followers.243 Nädiya Mustafä, an expert on political Islam and International Relations, says Salafis are called fundamentalists because they believe the doctrine should be solidified in a strict way.244 In turn, Muhammad Saläh understands Salafism as a move ment that was initiated "to put people back on the track of monotheism."245 All Salafis believe in the unity of all Muslims, sometimes referred to as the umma. Additionally, Salafis believe in the creation of an Islamic empire governed by Shari 'a in order to unite all Muslims. Although quietist Salafis be lieve in the implementation of Shari 'a, they maintain that society must be prepared first.246 This means that Salafis are concerned with reforming the individual in order to create a society that accepts Shari 'a. In other words, they believe a bottom-up approach will lead to the gradual implementation of Shari 'a and thereby ultimately to the creation of an Islamic empire. This is what sets the quietest Salafis apart from the jihädi-Salafis, who maintain 240 Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (g). 241 Akyol 2011,100. 242 Smit 2013 (a). 243 Brown 2011, 3. 244 Smit, Kasanwidjojo and Mascarenhas-Keyes 2013. 245 Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (f). 246 Brown 2011, 4. 76 that the gradual implementation of Shan 'a is a betrayal of Islam,247 and even from the Muslim Brothers, who want to change society from the top.248 The strict adherence to Islamic sources lies at the core of Salafi teaching. Im portant to mention however, is that there are Salafis who do not always rigidly apply these teachings in practice. Additionally, there is a tendency to select specific sources to adhere to in order to justify a specific action or claim. The Hadiths for example, are oral traditions documented in later years that are susceptible to fabrication and certain Hadiths have, for that reason, led to endless debate about their authenticity.249 Although the Hadiths help understand the Qur 'än and are considered important historical references, there are Hadiths that have become a religiously authoritative ruling but that actually have no mention in the Qur'än. Examples are the stoning of adulterers and certain social limitations on women.250 Since Salafis place Hadiths above human reasoning, quietist Salafi shaykhs can issue a fatw ä whose religious credibility rests on a Hadith that may, or may not be, authentic,251 but which may nevertheless be implemented.252 The general lack of control over who implements what fatwäs and for what reason has at times blurred the boundaries between quietist Salafism and jihädi Salafism and should therefore be noted as an important critique of Salafism.253 247 See chapter 5 'Non-political Islamists: the Salafi Jihadis and the situation in Sinai'. 248 Casper 2013 (a). 249 Akyol 2011,101. 250 Ibid, 103. 251 In June 2013, prominent Salafi shaykh ‘Abd al-Maqsüd called on people to support the revolution in Syria and to attack anyone who denigrates the followers of Prophet Muhammad. According to many, al-Maqsüd's speech was directed at Shi‘ite Muslims and days later, four Shi‘ites, including a prominent shaykh, were murdered. The way in which this particular fatwä was interpreted or imple mented suggests the ease with which the boundaries between quietist Salafis and jihädi salafis can be blurred. For more information see Hulsman (ed.) 2013 (a). 252 Jerome Drevon, in 2013 a Ph.D. candidate studying the evolution of Islamist armed groups, also mentions the blurring of this line in reference to the conflict in Syria. Quietist Salafis can issue fatwäs that they must support their Muslim brothers in Syria, but they do not control how this is interpreted, who goes to Syria and what tactics are used to support their Muslim brothers. The war in Syria has seen a surge of jihädi salafis from all over the world who follow the fatwäs of shaykhs who claim that it is a religious duty to fight against the Syrian regime. Drevon 2013. 253 Brown 2011, 5. 77 3.2.2 Islam ism Salafis are often called Islamists, another term that has triggered endless debate and often brings together diverse groups under one banner. Muhammad Saläh, for example, explains how "the main stream [of Islam] encompasses the Muslim Brotherhood, the Salafis, the Tablighis, [who] are all considered Islamists."254 This section briefly details how different Salafi political actors define Islamism and whether they identify as Islamist. Such a discussion will deepen the understanding of the term Islamism and perhaps do away with some of the misconceptions surrounding it. The majority of political Salafis interviewed define Islamists as those Mus lims who are religiously committed and who consider it their responsibility to work towards the unification of all Muslims believing that this unity will result in an Islamic empire.255 Political Islam scholar Nädiya Mustafä clarifies this statement a little more by explaining that political Salafis view this responsibility as all encompassing, referring to social, religious, spiritual or political duty.256 A former member of the Hizb al-Watan (The Homeland Party), who later left politics all together, maintains that the label 'Islamist' is purely a Western construction and a label used by the media. He explains that these so-called 'Islamists' are individuals who identify themselves simply as Muslim or as someone who supports the idea that Islam is part of daily life - including politics - and whose culture comes from Islam.257 Muhammad Saläh supports this line of reasoning by explaining how "Is lamic thought and Islamic teachings evolve around one thing, good manners, [and] if somebody observes them, then he is a religiously committed person, something [the West] likes to call an Islamist."258 He continues by stating that there is in fact "no Muslim who is an Islamist and no Muslim who is not an Islamist; there is a Muslim who is a practicing Muslim and a Muslim who is negligent of his religious duties."259 Those labeled as Islamists in the current political arena in Egypt believe in the "Islamic Project/' a term that also needs further clarification. The "Is lamic Project" is aimed at realizing the implementation of Shari 'a and the creation of an Islamic state. Although the umma lies at the core of Salafism, and subsequently the "Islamist Project," it appears to be a conceptual idea rather than a realistic goal that can be achieved in the near future. Discuss- 254 Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (g). 255 Smit 2013 (a); Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (i). 256 Smit, Kasanwidjojo and Mascarenhas-Keyes 2013. 257 Smit 2013 (d). 258 Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (g). 259 Ibid. 78 ing the extent to which Muslims worldwide are being united is thus beyond the scope of this chapter. When it is argued that successful implementation of the "Islamic Project" faces many challenges, the implementation of Shari 'a and the creation of an Islamic state are considered within the confines of Egypt only. 3.3 History and the January 25 Revolution: Becoming Politically Active 3.3.1 Before the January 25 Revolution As mentioned above, most Salafis believe in religiously reforming the indi vidual according to the teachings of Prophet Muhammad through strict adherence to Islamic sources. Most quietist Salafis believe in individual trans formation rather than societal transformation by political means.260 For this reason, they have historically refrained from political participation and Salafism has manifested itself in movements such as the Jamä 'atAnsär al-Sunna (Assembly of the Helpers of Sunna) or al-Da 'wa al-Salafiyya, both of which were concerned with teaching religion and later also with assisting the poor by acting as large non-governmental organizations (NGOs). Since 1952, former regimes under Jamäl ‘Abd al-Näsir, Anwar al-Sädät, and Husni Mubärak, respectively, accepted this for two main reasons: first, in allowing Salafi movements to teach people about the pure form of Islam and to sup port the poor through charity work, the risk of an uprising from the poor was somewhat subdued; second, former President Mubärak in particular, used the quietest Salafis to counter the more extremist Islamist movements, such as the Islamic Jihäd or the then outlawed, al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya, two violent movements that aimed to overthrow the Egyptian government and replace it with an Islamic state.261 Moreover, because quietist Salafis believe they should not rise up against a Muslim leader, these former regimes were inclined to allow them to practice their religion more freely.262 Nevertheless, many of the political Salafis interviewed explain how despite these freedoms, Salafis were treated as second-class citizens; they were li mited in their mobility and they were not admitted to the army, the police, the judicial system, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs or other high-ranking, politically sensitive governmental positions.263 In the words of Khälid 260 Jung 2012. 261 Smit 2013 (d). 262 Brown 2011, 5. 263 Smit 2013 (d); Smit, Kasanwidjojo and Casper 2013; Smit, Kasanwidjojo and Mascarenhas-Keyes 2013. 79 Mansür, founding member and spokesperson of Hizb al-Isläh (Egyptian Reform Party), "[Salafis] faced the tyranny of the old regimes, from 30 years ago."264Many Salafis were subjected to arbitrary arrests and imprisonment and according to a former member of the Salafi al-Watan Party, Mubärak's regime did not sufficiently differentiate between devout Muslims who were peaceful and successful in their work and jihädi Salafis with possible relations to terrorism.265 The easily blurred boundaries between quietist Salafis and jihädi Salafis could easily be manipulated by former regimes and was used to limit the movement of Salafis in general. The first Salafi association, Ansär al-Sunna, was founded in 1926 and never tried to create a mass movement. It was only under Anwar al-Sädät in the late 1970s, when al-Da 'wa al-Salafiyya was founded in Alexandria, that there was a Salafi movement that presented itself not only as a religious organiza tion, but also as a larger social phenomenon.266 A growing number of students who had received the shaykhs' teachings in Alexandria returned to their hometowns and spread the message of al-Da 'wa al-Salafiyya, which soon grew to be the most organized Salafi movement and provided reli gious teachings and social services in different neighborhoods around the country.267 Khälid Mansür explains that although al-Da 'wa al-Salafiyya may currently have a significant number of Salafi followers, it still only represents a por tion of Egypt's Salafis.268 This is because Salafis follow the teachings and sermons of a particular shaykh, or scholar. The more acclaimed or charis matic the shaykh, the more followers he is likely to have. For al-Da 'wa al- Salafiyya this means that individual shaykhs are affiliated to the movement and are in turn followed by their students or other individuals who trust and respect that particular shaykh. Salafis do not believe in hierarchy or an organized movement that they must obey269 and they therefore do not rigidly follow al-Da 'wa al-Salafiyya as an organization. As a result, Salafism has never manifested itself as a centralized, hierarchical, and united move ment and has for that reason never resembled anything close to the orga nized movement of the Muslim Brotherhood. 264 Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (i). 265 Smit 2013 (d). 266 Lacroix 2012, 2. 267 Ibid. 268 Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (i). 269 Brown 2011, 4. 80 3.3.2 The Salafi Shaykhs and the January 25 Revolution Before moving on to this next section, a brief description of the concept of shaykhs is required. Shaykhs, or Islamic scholars, are an important concept in Islam in general, but are particularly relevant in Salafism since the move ment exists around the teachings of individual scholars and preachers who are referred to as shaykhs. Some shaykhs were educated at al-Azhar University, most notably Yäsir Burhämi, whereas others are more influenced by Saudi scholars.270 Shaykhs have studied the Islamic sources and are considered an authority when it comes to determining what Islam does and does not permit. As a result, shaykhs stand central to Salafism. As mentioned above, before the January 25 Revolution, Salafis were absent from the political scene in Egypt. The choice to refrain from political partic ipation appeared to be a unanimous Salafi decision. Nevertheless, there was a division among shaykhs. Some believed it was religiously impermissible, and thus haräm, to be politically active. Most notable were Shaykh Yäsir Burhämi - who was very vocal in condemning elections and democratic in stitutions for being anti-Islamic271 - and shaykh Muhammad Isma il al- Muqaddim, who rejected democracy because he claimed it turned people into gods.272 At the same time however, there were shaykhs who simply said political participation would require working with an oppressive regime and ultimately would not change anything and should thus be avoided. An example is shaykh Abü Ishäq al-Hiwini, who stated that politics was a govern ment scheme to draw power away from Islamic movements.273 Moreover, according to shaykh Muhammad Saläh, "[Salafi political] participation was zero because they (...) did not believe in the Machiavellian slogan, which is that goals justify the means." He explains that the pre-Revolution ideology adhered to the belief that "Islam says: if you cannot change the evil, then at least you have to dismiss it." During a June 18,2013 interview, Bassäm al-Zarqä of al-Nür Party explains: When we used to work in pre-revolutionary Egypt we refused to join the electoral process for three reasons: One, we had to let go of a lot of principles; two, in the end we were not getting anything in re turn; three, we can find no improvement. The only improvement was decorating Mubärak's dictatorship, and being part of the im 270 Ibid, 4-6. 271 Wright 2012,46. 272 Ibid, 46. 273 Ibid, 46. 81 aginative decor of how the system works, so we refused to join the electoral process before the revolution.274 Clearly, shaykhs in this camp believed that political participation was not necessarily haräm, but that Salafis should not be part of an oppressive re gime that they were incapable of changing.275 After the January 25 Revolution, there is a shift in opinion. Many of the shaykhs, who had considered political participation futile, but not haräm, quickly embraced the protests and once it became clear that Mubärak's re gime would fall, they called for Salafi political participation.276 Shaykh ' Abd al-Maqsüd for example, was one of the first prominent shaykhs to support the Revolution.277 A former member of al-Watan Party and Muhammad Saläh explain some of the shifts that occurred: some of the shaykhs in the first camp, in particular Yäsir Burhämi, who previously considered political participation haräm, now states that Salafi political participation is required in order to reach their goals.278 Bassäm al-Zarqä, who had always been interested in politics already,279 was one of those who followed the new vision of shaykh Burhämi: There was a group that had a political interests within al-Da 'wa al- Salafiyya and they were excited for founding a party. Some of them were not enthusiastic about this, but in every change there is always a group that leads the way.280 Other shaykhs however, such as al-Muqaddim and Muhammad Hasan adhere to their old beliefs and want nothing to do with politics. Some shaykhs maintain that it is religiously impermissible to rebel against a Muslim ruler and that the January 25 Revolution makes demands that are unrelated to religion.281 The fluctuating positions on democracy and political participation resulted in a conflict among the more senior Salafi figures in Egypt. This conflict created a division among the Salafi masses and some Salafis joined the Revo 274 Smit 2013 (a). 275 Smit 2013 (a); Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (g). 276 Brown 2011, 6. 277 Lacroix 2012, 2. 278 Smit 2013 (a). 279 Smit 2013 (a). 280 Ibid. 281 Smit 2013 (d). 82 lution and supported the formation of Salafi political parties, whereas others upheld their belief that they should not be politically active.282 Despite this division, we have seen the appearance of numerous Salafi polit ical groups and movementssince the January 25 Revolution. The rest of the chapter will limit its discussion to those parties that are officially registered, have a significant outreach, or are abundantly present in the Egyptian me dia. These parties are al-Nür Party, the political branch of al-Da 'wa al- Salafiyya of which shaykh Yässer Burhämi is one of the most senior figures; al-Watan Party, which split from al-Nür Party; al-Asäla Party, which is led by a group of well-known shaykhs of which ‘ Abd ‘ Abd al-Maqsüd is the most well-known; Hizb al-Fadila (Virtue Party), a small independent party with no mother organization; al-Isläh Party, the political branch of al-Tayyär al- Salafi (the Salafi Current); Hizb al-Räya (the Flag Party), founded by the popular shaykh Häzim Saläh Abü Ism äil; and Hizb al-Sha 'b (the People's Party), the political arm of al-Jabha al-Salafiyya (the Salafi Front), a young Salafi movement founded during the January 25 Revolution.283 3.3.3 The Ideological Agenda of Salafi Parties Ideologically, there is little difference between the various Salafi parties. Salafis believe in an Islamic state in which the rules of Shari 'a govern all aspects of life. This has led to heated arguments with the more liberal and secular segments of Egyptian society, particularly where it concerns the rights of minorities and women. Shari 'a only recognizes the three Abrahamic religions - Islam, Christianity, and Judaism - and under Shari 'a law, Christians and Jews can follow their own personal status law. Although all Salafi parties unanimously agree that Christians have the same rights as Muslims, they maintain that the presi dent of Egypt can only ever be a Muslim.284 According to Mahmüd Fathi, party leader of al-Fadila Party, and Nädir Bakkär, spokesperson of al-Nür Party, the situation for Christians is safer under an Islamic state than it is within the current situation.285 When asking about Christian members however, it quickly became apparent that most Salafi parties do not actually have any active Christian members who support their call for an Islamic 282 Casper 2013 (a). 283 For an overview of the political agendas of each of these parties please see http://egyptelections.carnegieendowment.org/category/political-parties. 284 Smit, 2013 (c); Smit, Kasanwidjojo and Mascarenhas-Keyes 2013. 285 Smit, 2013 (c); Smit, Kasanwidjojo and Mascarenhas-Keyes 2013; Shalaby 2013. 83 state.286 Bassam al-Zarqa from al-Nür Party, states that ten percent of Chris tians in Southern Egypt would be likely to give their vote to al-Nür Party, but this is difficult to verify.287 Nevertheless, to simply ignore such state ments or consider them refutable would be wrong, too. In some places around Egypt, for example in Qufadah, al-Minya, in Upper Egypt, it is common to see Muslims and Christians living closely alongside each other. In this particular village, a Christian priest actively campaigned for a Salafi shaykh and member of al-Nür Party running for Parliament during the 2012 parliamentary elections. This decision however, was based on personal relations between the priest and the shaykh and not on the priest's support for al-Nür ideology.288 As a result, statements made by Salafi politicians regarding active Christian support for the creation of an Islamic state are almost impossible to sub-stantiate. Egypt has other minorities as well, including Baha'is and Shi is, both of whom are not permitted to practice their religion under the Islamic law as understood by the Salafis. Salafis believe that Sh iite Islam is not the correct form of Islam and its practice should therefore not be permitted. Both Fathi and Bakkar emphasize that any minority group practicing a religion other than Sunni Islam, Christianity, or Judaism will be protected equally as Egyptians, but will not have the same rights because their religion is not recognized under the Salafi understanding of Islamic law.289 Salafi parties are known for their conservative stance on women as well. According to Fathi, the protection and well-being of the woman is of utmost importance and hence there are certain limitations to what she is and is not permitted to do.290 For example, a woman is not allowed to travel abroad unless a male member of the family accompanies her. "The goal here is the protection and the well being of the woman more than anything, not her restrictions."291 However, this inevitably limits her opportunities in comparison to that of men. Fathi explains how al-Fadila Party has female members listed for parliamentary elections since qualifications are more important than gender. In fact, they can run for any seat, but not for the presidential seat. Fathi explains that during the days of the Prophet, he had 286 Smit, Kasanwidjojo and Mascarenhas-Keyes 2013; Smit, Kasanwidjojo and Casper 2013; Shalaby 2013. 287 Smit 2013 (a). 288 Hulsman 2012 (d). 289 Smit 2013 (c); Smit, Kasanwidjojo and Mascarenhas-Keyes 2013. 290 Smit, Kasanwidjojo and Mascarenhas-Keyes 2013. 291 Ibid. 84 said, "no society will succeed being ruled by a woman."292 He continues by explaining the existence of a scholarly opinion, which stipulates "that the woman has a level of emotions that guides and governs the female, which is also present in the sentimental or emotional man, who is similarly not al lowed to run for president."293 So, although most Salafi parties have female members, there are no Salafi parties with high-ranking female members. Al- Nür Party leader, Yünis Makhiyyün, for example, explains that female candidates are not allowed in the top third of the list because it would increase their chance of election.294 Salafis believe that sovereignty lies with God and not with the people. And, as Fathi rationalizes, since Shari'a is derived from the word of God, "the Shari 'a should not be a part of the constitution; it should stand above the constitution."295 Fathi hereby explains that the stance of Salafi parties on women's rights for example, is not a political opinion, but a religious rule that all of society must obey if Egypt is to be an Islamic state.296 The implications of this strict adherence to Shari 'a and the position Salafi parties believe Shari 'a should hold in terms of the Constitution will be further discussed in section 3.4.6.1. The rest of this chapter will focus on and scrutinize the actions and positions of the Salafi parties in the political playing field of Egypt in order to assert that the future stability of Salafi political parties is fragile and that they face challenges that may impede the successful implementation of the "Islamic Project." 3.4 Tension Between Political and Religious Salafism Politics is a dirty business and we are not dirty people.297 There is a tension between religious Salafism and political Salafism that needs to be resolved in the future if parties want to maintain a stable posi tion in the political playing field. The struggle has appeared on numerous occasions and is a result of parties searching for ways to be politically pragmatic while simultaneously maintaining a religiously conservative identity. This section makes four sub-arguments in order to demonstrate the apparent struggle between religious Salafism and political Sala-fism. The 292 Ibid. 293 Ibid. 294 Shalaby 2013. 295 Smit, Kasanwidjojo and Mascarenhas-Keyes 2013. 296 Ibid. 297 Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (g). 85 first argument centers on the notion that political participation is unlikely to generate a united Salafi movement. 3.4.1 No United Salafi Movement Since the January 25 Revolution, the political arena of Egypt has witnessed the rise of several Salafi parties, all of which must compete with each other in order to guarantee their future position in the political playing field. By nature, politics is a divisive and competitive game. One of the reasons that Salafis were not politically active and did not accept democratic structures before the January 25 Revolution was their belief that a multi-party system would go against the idea of unity preached by Islam. Because of the com petitive nature of the political system into which the Salafis have been absorbed, disputes have arisen both between and within Salafi parties. On certain occasions these disputes had led to the fragmentation of parties. This occurred early for al-Asäla Party which split from al-Fadila Party in July 2011 as a result of managerial and administrative differences.298 Similarly, in January 2013, al-Watan Party separated from al-Nür Party because, as ex plained by a former member of al-Watan Party, they disagreed over the way al-Da 'wa al-Salafiyya continued to hold over the day-to-day functioning of the party.299 In turn, within al-Watan Party there had allegedly been massive resignations as a result of further internal differences and divisions causing additional fragmentation.300 The fragmentation and division of politically active Salafis is apparent elsewhere, too. Although there is still a significant amount of cooperation be tween the different Salafi parties, there appeared to be a deepening rift be tween al-Nür Party on the one side, and the remaining Salafi political parties on the other side. This further discouraged the formation of a united Salafi front. The clear division in cooperation can be seen as a result of certain po litical decisions taken by al-Nür Party. According to most of the Salafi polit ical parties, and as expressed in particular by Ihäb Shiha, al-Asäla Party leader, Khälid Mansür of al-Isläh Party and Mahmüd Fathi of al-Fadila Party, al-Nür Party's early decision (which was later revised) to cooperate with the Freedom and Justice Party (FJP), the political arm of the Muslim Brother hood, despite a belief among the Salafi parties that the Muslim Brotherhood was sacrificing part of their Islamic identity for the sake of ruling, is among the main causes for the rift in cooperation between them and al-Nür Par 298 Smit, Kasanwidjojo and Mascarenhas-Keyes 2013. 299 Smit 2013 (d). 300 Ahram Online 2013 (f). 86 ty.301 Fathi, for example, described the FJP as "pragmatic"302 and opposed it for four main reasons: one, their way of dealing with the previous regime on a transformational basis [...], rather than a revolutionary basis; two, their way of maintaining the previous corrupt system in place as it was under the Mubärak regime; three, their way of maintaining the interna tional political domain in the same way that it used to be dealt with [...]; four, [how] they are consumed by the day to day issues of running the country rather than focusing on the objectives that the country should be built on.303 In initially allying with the ruling FJP, al-Nür Party had chosen a path of po litical pragmatism. The party was looking for ways to set itself apart from other parties in order to gain that competitive advantage that it thinks would win the party a larger support base. As such, the decision to ally with the ruling Islamist party suggests al-Nür Party was looking for ways to strengthen its political position. Shihä describes al-Nür Party and the FJP as "operating on that dictatorial type of leadership role,"304 enabled because of the large support base provided by al-Da 'wa al-Salafiyya and the Muslim Brotherhood, respectively. He explains how despite the effectiveness of being able "to get their people to just obey the instructions they were given, [ . ] at this stage [it] is not really appropriate for [ . ] the country to be built on the direction of a group that has closed in upon itself."305 Al-Nür Party is not the only Salafi party capable of demonstrating political pragmatism. After its split with al-Nür Party, al-Watan Party adopted a more moderate discourse and distanced itself more from persuasive shaykhs influencing party policies in order to set itself apart from al-Nür Party and other Salafi parties. Al-Watan Party allows Christian members and female members to run for Parliament and promotes the party's open approach to anyone who is qualified and supports the "Islamic Project."306 The party's insistence on a centrist approach based on inclusion rather than exclusion demonstrates the pragmatic approach adopted by al-Watan Party. Additionally, the party leader, Imäd ‘ Abd al-Ghafür, had obtained his position as presidential advisor to Muhammad Mursi as a result of the party's coop eration with the FJP. Being a new party on the political scene, al-Watan Par 301 Smit, Kasanwidjojo and Casper 2013; Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (h, i). 302 Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (h). 303 Ibid. 304 Smit, Kasanwidjojo and Casper 2013. 305 Ibid. 306 Smit 2013 (d); Azab and Senegri 2013. 87 ty did not want to lose the support of the FJP and chose a path of coopera tion. Although al-Watan Party was vocal in stating its disagreement with the FJP, politically it was willing to negotiate with the ruling party at that time.307 The separation between al-Watan Party and al-Nür Party is apparent, but unlike the other Salafi parties, it is not because al-Watan Party rejects the political pragmatism. In fact, the pragmatism practiced and embraced by both al-Nür and al-Watan is what sets these two parties apart from the other Salafi parties. This rift between al-Nür Party and the other Salafi parties is significant. Al- Nür Party is the biggest Salafi party in Egypt, primarily because it benefits from al-Da 'wa al-Salafiyya’s long history and organized structure: "they have the people on the streets [...], which is why they can win seats in parliament," explains Khälid Mansür from al-Isläh Party.308 Nevertheless, Mansür also claims that al-Da 'wa al-Salafiyya only represents about 30 per cent of Egypt's Salafis and believes that Salafis are increasingly reaching out to parties other than al-Nür.309 This suggests that the existence of so many different parties encourages a division among Egypt's Salafis. Salafifollowers must decide what party they will follow and are forced to decide whether they will support a more pragmatic Salafi party, such as al-Nür or al-Watan, or a more radical one, such as al-Sha 'b Party or al-Räya, two par ties that are particularly unwilling to compromise with any actor that does not share its vision and which have for this reason taken many young and radical Salafi followers with them.310 Many of the Salafi politicians interviewed agree that there might not be a united Salafi movement at that time, but that this is sure to come in the future.311 Muhammad Saläh explained the lack of Salafi political experience by comparing Salafis to members of the Muslim Brotherhood, who "have been in politics since before they were born: (...) they were breastfed politics."312 The Salafis however, have only recently emerged on the political scene and their general lack of political experience means that there has been little to no chance for them to manifest themselves politically and for political par ties to comfortably maneuver their way around the political playing field. It 307 Shukrallah 2013 (a). 308 Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (i). 309 Ibid. 310 Rubin 2013. 311 Smit 2013 (d); Smit and Casper 2013. 312 Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (g). 88 is generally assumed that it will take some time for a single, well-grounded political party to be established behind which all Salafis can unite.313 The majority of Salafis who are now politically active have not had any significant kind of political exposure before. They have only recently started communicating on a political level and it is likely that some parties will dissolve while others will unite. Nevertheless, there appears to be little strength gained from having x num ber of Salafi parties that all have the same official objective, but who all criticize each other for either not having the correct administrative procedures, or for not having a clear vision, even when they all have an almost identical vision.314 Ideologically, there is not much difference between the various parties, which would imply that the parties could certainly merge or grow towards each other in the future. Structurally, managerially, and administratively however, differences are paramount and in the first two years of Salafi polit ical participation, the trend has been one of division rather than unity. This suggests that the pragmatic decision to participate in an inherently fractured political landscape actually contradicts with the religious conviction of Salafis. A tension thus exists between religious Salafism and political Salafism, which may challenge the successful implementation of the "Islam ic Project." 3.4.2 Dilemma with the Shaykhs The struggle between religious Salafism and political Salafism also appears in deciding on whether shaykhs should play a role in Salafi political parties. The question of whether to break from the shaykhs is extremely complex precisely because shaykhs play such an important role in Egyptian society and are highly respected and closely followed by pious Salafis throughout the country. The dilemma that Salafi political parties are likely to face is as follows: shaykhs are needed for religious credibility, raising funds, and community projects. In short, shaykhs are needed to mobilize support among a Muslim constituency. Simultaneously how-ever, shaykhs know very little about the day-to-day management of a country and are generally concerned with spreading and teaching the word of God only. This means that religious movements or influential independent shaykhs may prevent the party from truly embracing politics when and if this contradicts with their religious convictions. 313 Ibid. 314 Drevon 2013. 89 There appears to be a divide between those parties that have attempted to break political ties with shaykhs and those parties that are closely affiliated with either a mother organization or influential independent shaykhs. Ac cording to al-Fadila Party leader Mahmüd Fathi, al-Nür Party, al-Asäla, and al-Sha b Party are parties whose agendas are largely influenced, if not determined, by prominent shaykhs. Al-Asäla Party leader Shiha, however, claims that his party "tried to get away from the domi-nance of the shaykhs so [they] have a greater amount of flexibility in the way [they] operate because [they] can take [their] own decisions."315 However, despite this being the leadership vision, the party is, practically speaking, still very much dependent on influential shaykhs, a point that will be further developed below. Al-Watan Party has distanced itself a little from the influence of the shaykhs, this also being one of the reasons they have separated from al-Nür Party. Al- Isläh has also distanced itself somewhat from shaykhs, however, as explained by Mansür himself, and as emphasised by Fathi, in being the politi cal arm of al-Tayyär al-Salafi it is unlikely that al-Isläh Party can be completely separated from their shaykhs.316 As a result, Fathi maintains that al-Fadila is the only party that is completely separated from shaykhs.317 3.4.3 M obilizing Support Let us first look at one side of the dilemma, namely why shaykhs are impor tant for mobilizing support. The mobility of Salafis had been restricted for decades; they were largely absent from the higher echelons of society and until the January 25 Revolution they had never participated in Egypt's po litical arena. According to Muhammad Salah, an inevitable consequence of this is that ordinary Salafis rely more on the people they trust, in other words the shaykh they have followed for years, rather than on people with (political) qualifications.318 This belief is supported by testimonies from Issam al-Sharif- responsible for representing al-Asäla Party in Warraq, Cairo - and Hani Fawzi, a leading al-Asäla Party member responsible for public relations. They both assert that people listen to shaykhs and follow their advice about what party to sup port. Al-Sharif explains how Administratively [the shaykh] has no relation with the party, but realistically he is the party. And the party was made because of him and for him. [...] [Administratively they], don't have to agree with Smit, Kasanwidjojo and Casper 2013. Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (h); Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (i). Smit, Kasanwidjojo and Casper 2013. Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (g). 90 what he says, but this won't happen because of the spiritual commitment.319 In support of this view, Fawzi offers the following explanation: [A person] will listen to the shaykh's words. If the shaykh says that Asälah is a good party and he should help support the party and help them grow, that person will obey. The shaykh always says the right thing, so it offers comfort. That's the point. But if the shaykh says that he must go to the Freedom and Justice Party, then he will go to the FJP because he is convinced by everything the shaykh says.320 As an inevitable result, the preaching of prominent shaykhs with known ties to al-Asäla, including for example Muhammad ‘ Abd al-Maqsüd, had also increased the party's membership.321 A small party such as al-Asäla has not been in existence for a significant amount of time. Moreover, it does not have a mother organization and has not had time to develop its own religious references and leaders. It is a small party that has no real outreach on its own. Moreover, Shihä explains that they will not change the law or bring forward a new law until they feel that the Egyptian citizen is ready to accept it. "Hence [they] ask the shaykhs to help the people love Shari'a."322 Although on a political level, al-Asäla may be trying to move away from shaykhs. ‘ Abd al-Maqsüd, for example, the party will remain dependent on him for helping prepare society in accepting the party and thereby expanding its support base. Khälid Mansür, leading member of al-Isläh Party, also explains the importance of shaykhs for spreading the party's message, directing people to the party, and for collecting money.323 A membership fee has to be paid by anyone who joins the party and thus by encouraging people to join al-Isläh, for example, shaykhs automatically help the party raise money. Muhammad Saläh believes that Salafi political participation has changed the role of the shaykh because "in the past [he] was 100% preoccupied with the reform of the person, the soul, the mind, the society, the individual or the family, but nowadays, willingly or unwillingly, even in [his] speeches [he] finds [himself] swerving towards politics right and left."324 319 Smit and Casper 2013. 320 Smit 2013 (b). 321 Smit 2013 (b); Smit and Casper 2013. 322 Smit, Kasanwidjojo and Casper 2013. 323 Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (i). 324 Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (g). 91 Al-Fadila Party is not the political offshoot of any Salafi movement or a larger mother organization. Moreover, it does not closely associate itself to any particularly influential shaykh. Although this a deliberate decision, perhaps to differentiate itself from the other Salafi parties, the inevitable consequence is that al-Fadila is one of the smallest Salafi parties active on the po litical scene. According to Nädir Bakkär, al-Fadila is "a one-person party" that cannot even be considered.325 In contrast, al-Nür Party's immediate electoral success in the 2012 parlia mentary elections gives an indication as to how important shaykhs are for mobilizing support. Salafis across Egypt have known al-Da 'wa al-Salafiyya for decades. By using the name of al-Da 'wa al-Salafiyya, al-Nür Party has tried to tell people that every step they take is judged according to Islamic principles and al-Da 'wa al-Salafiyya thereby provides al-Nür Party with the religious credibility it needs to garner support among conservative Egyp tians. During the 2012 parliamentary elections, al-Nür Party was in an al liance with al-Asäla and the Building and Development Party, the political branch of Al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya. 85 percent of the joint candidates came from al-Nür Party 326 and it can thus be assumed that the majority of votes collected were for al-Nür Party, rather than for al-Asäla and the Building and Development Party. At the time of elections, it was still too early to predict how such a new party would manifest itself on the political scene, but the party still won 24 percent of the seats in Parliament and 25 percent of the seats in the Shürä Council, unprecedented for a recently established political party.327 This suggests that al-Nür Party already had a large Salafi constituency, regardless of what the party's political role would become. It can thus be argued that people voted for the shaykhs affiliated to al-Da 'wa al- Salafiyya, who they were likely to have known for years, rather than for what they thought to be a qualified political party. 3.4.4 Shaykhs' Limited Knowledge of Economics and Politics On the other side of the dilemma is the realization that shaykhs are likely to have very limited knowledge of economics and politics. Although Islam broadly outlines how one should live their life morally and ethically, it says very little about how society functions on an economic and political level. Despite this limitation, shaykhs play a significant role in the decision- 325 Smit 2013 (c). 326 Jung 2012, 2. 327 Carnegie Endowments for International Peace 2012. 92 making process of the majority of Salafi political parties thereby framing politics through an Islamic legal and theoretical lens.328 Shaykhs have always consulted Islamic sources when they are asked about the religious legality of any decision. In being politically active, economic and political decisions often need to be made for which there may not be a religious reference stipulating its permissibility. When this arises, ijtihäd, or independent reasoning, is applied, which allows comparisons to be made to other precedents and rationality to be used to determine whether something is religiously permissible or not.329 Shaykhs can have different opinions on this since there is room for personal interpretation and for judgment according to their own reasoning, a process influenced by culture, his tory, or education. An example where this gave rise to conflict was in February 2012, during the debate about whether Egypt should accept an IMF loan in order to help lift the country out of immediate economic crisis.330 Some shaykhs maintained that it was religiously impermissible because of the interest that had to be paid over the loan, something that is forbidden under Islamic law. Other shaykhs however, maintained that Egypt's detrimental economic circumstances and the lack of alternative options made it an exceptional situation and therefore considered the loan religiously permissible.331 This suggests that shaykhs are prone to saying different things when it comes to matters that have no or little religious reference. In having become politically active, the likelihood of this occurring on a regular basis has increased significantly precisely because politics is performed in the context of a modern nation-state, which did not yet exist at the time in which the religious references were written. This suggests that ijtihäd will have to be applied on a regular basis, increasing the chances for tension that may arise in deciding whether to base a decision on its political or economic necessity or on the basis of its religious permissibility. So on the one hand, a close re lationship with shaykhs is indispensable for mobilization, while on the other hand their general lack of political and economic know-how and their tendency to base decisions on what is stipulated in the religious sources may ultimately damage the party's position in the political arena. 328 Smit 2013 (d); Smit 2013 (a); Smit 2013 (c). 329 Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (g). 330 Perry 2013. 331 Smit 2013 (d); Perry 2013; Rubin 2013. 93 3.4.5 June 30 and the Struggle Between Political Pragmatism and Religious Purity The struggle in finding a balance between being politically pragmatic while simultaneously upholding an identity based on religious purity is clearly visible when analyzing the massive popular uprising of June 30,2013 and its immediate aftermath. The event demonstrates how parties felt forced to choose between politics and religion. Al-Nür Party opted for tipping the balance in favor of political pragmatism and remaining neutral at first, while later clearly taking the side of the interim regime. The other Salafi par ties however, chose to protect their religiously- conservative identity by emphasizing their commitment to their ideological goal - implementation of the "Islamic Project" - and supporting the Islamist president and the Mus lim Brotherhood. The consequences of both decisions are discussed below and once again suggest that Salafi parties face a significant challenge in overcoming the tension created by this struggle. 3.4.5.1 Al-Nür Party and Political Pragmatism Al-Nür Party was the only Salafi party that chose to remain neutral in the lead up to June 30. In an interview with al-Nür Party spokesperson Nädir Bakkär, conducted just days before June 30, he explains how the party refused to classify the event as a struggle between Islam and non-Islam, and instead chose to frame it as criticism of the regime headed by Muhammad Mursi.332 After Mursi's deposal on July 3,2013, al-Nür Party adopted a discourse in which they called for political reconciliation and dialogue be tween all parties instead of a discourse that depicted June 30 and the subsequent ousting of Mursi as an attack against Islamism. Khälid Mansür ex plains that al-Nür Party can do this because unlike the majority of Salafi par ties, "their political ideology allows them to sit with [the opposition] at this point in time, and negotiate with them."333 Al-Nür Party thereby appeared to have adopted a tactic based on politics, rather than religion. In choosing to play politics, al-Nür Party has, for the time being, secured a position in the political arena. Nevertheless, al-Nür Party has sacrificed part of its popularity in order to secure this position. The party's decision to re main neutral towards June 30 was strongly criticized by the other Salafi par ties, as well as by the party's own members and followers.334 Bakkär ex plains that they are "facing a very strong criticism that is pushing [them] to go out on the streets in support of Mursi saying that [they] are separating 332 Smit 2013 (c). 333 Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (i). 334 Al-Anani 2013. 94 [themselves] from the Islamic stream."335 Moreover, he admitted that a number of his party's supporters have in fact rejected the party's stance and have chosen instead to join the protests in support of Mursi. Bakkär claims that they can stop about 80% of their supporters from going out in the streets and joining the protests.336Even after Mursi was deposed on July 3, al-Nür Party has maintained that political pragmatism is the only way they can ensure their position in the political arena. This decision cost the party a lot of support from people who believe that al-Nür Party is abandoning the "Islamic Project" by negotiating with the army and the liberal and secular players who are considered to be behind the deposal of the Islamist presi dent.337 Despite this loss in support however, al-Nür Party was the only Salafi party that was part of the new political roadmap launched by the interim regime and was part of the committee drafting the new Egyptian Constitution. It was thereby the only active Salafi player in the interim government struggling to safeguard the progress that may have already been made towards implementation of the "Islamic Project" and struggling to ensure that steps can continue to be made in the future. Progress towards the "Islamic Project" can be understood in terms of the 2012 Egyptian Constitution, which had an extra article - Article 219 - that strengthened the weight of Shari 'a and its conservative Sunni interpretation. In addition, the 2012 Con stitution ensured the Islamic identity of the Egyptian state and limited the freedom of religion to Islam, Christianity, and Judaism. These were significant steps in the direction of the "Islamic Project" as envisioned by the Salafi political parties. 3.4.5.2 Preservation of a Religiously Conservative Identity In contrast to al-Nür Party, in the weeks leading up to June 30 and continuing well after Mursi was overthrown, the other Salafi political parties opted to safeguard their religious credibility among the masses rather than choosing for the politically pragmatic approach adopted by al-Nür Party. The narrative adopted by these parties however, was at first glance not necessarily religious. In fact, they claimed to be fighting for the preservation of democratic values and the reinstatement of a legitimately elected president, thereby adopting the discourse used by the FJP and the Muslim Brother hood. Nevertheless, these Salafi parties were tipping the balance more to wards ensuring religious credibility rather than acting according to political 335 Smit 2013 (c). 336 Ibid. 337 Al-Anani 2013. 95 pragmatism for two main reasons: one, as discussed at the beginning of this chapter, many Salafis believe they cannot reject a Muslim ruler, implying that the parties could not have supported Tamarrud's call for Mursi's resig nation; two, the Salafi parties rejecting Mursi's deposal were using religion to justify their cause. Before June 30, the majority of Salafi parties, in particular the al-Fadila Party, al-Isläh, and al-Asäla, were very vocal in their critique of Muhammad Mursi, the FJP, and the Muslim Brotherhood. They referred to themselves as oppo sition parties and rejected many actions taken by Mursi and the Qandil cab inet. For example, al-Fadtla party leader Mahmüd Fathi rejected the way the FJP and the Muslim Brotherhood worked with and essentially sustained the previous corrupt system of Mubärak. Moreover, he criticized the FJP and the Muslim Brotherhood for being so consumed with day-to-day politics that they were forgetting the larger objectives, presumably the "Islamic Project."338 In turn, Khälid Mansür of al-Isläh Party claimed to be in an op position party for many reasons, including the Muslim Brotherhood's struggle to control high-ranking positions.339 In the lead up to June 30, however, these parties radically changed their positions and sided with the FJP, even though many of the reasons for launching the June 30 Tamarrud cam paign in the first place ran parallel to Salafi objections towards the FJP and its mother organization. Mansür explains how "there is still a lot of com mon ground and that is very clear when it comes to Räba 'a al- 'Adawiyya Square and al-Nahda Square. Many people will have different political views, but now there is a common ground."340 In contrast to the smaller Salafi parties discussed here, al-Watan Party can be considered slightly more pragmatic. Although the party openly sided with the FJP and the Muslim Brotherhood, it decided to not participate in the protests leading up to June 30 in order to avoid bloodshed.341 Al-Watan Par ty also led a national reconciliation initiative, which sought consensus be tween the different sides.342 Nevertheless, after July 3, al-Watan Party was among the founding members of the National Alliance Supporting Legitimacy to reject the overthrow of President Mursi. Since Mursi was deposed on July 3, these Salafi parties, including al-Watan Party, have stood by the Muslim Brotherhood and have demanded the return of Mursi as the only legitimate president, refusing to negotiate with the interim regime. 338 Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (h). 339 Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (i). 340 Ibid. 341 AhramOnline2013(g). 342 Ibid. 96 Although this can be understood in terms of fighting for democratic principles, it must be placed in a wider context. As discussed at the beginning of this chapter, Salafis believed in political quietism; historically speaking, they were not politically active, nor did they rebel against their Muslim leader. Moreover, until the January 25 Revolution, Salafis essentially rejected democracy because it gave too much sovereignty to the people instead of to God. It has already been established that the January 25 Revolution changed the context and environment in such a way that many Salafis shifted their position and became politically active. Demo-cracy and politi cal participation has since become a means to an end, a way to ensure the implementation of the "Islamic Project" through legitimate means. Even the political Salafis however, still maintain that the religious texts forbid them from rebelling against a Muslim leader, unless he ceases to be Muslim.343 They may have become politically active and accepted to work within a democratic framework, but many still believe that they cannot rise up against a Muslim leader, even if they are largely against his actions. For these Salafis, religion, more than politics, influenced their decision to stand behind Mursi during and after the popular uprising against him. June 30 and its aftermath have become defined as a struggle between Islam ists and non-Islamists. Mansür believes that the divide between Islamists and non-Islamists is more severe after June 30. He explains how "people who choose now to struggle in the streets against what happened are mostly the Islamists and the people who show sympathy [to] Islamists."344 Mursi's deposal was even used as evidence for suggesting that the army and the interim regime were intent on oppressing Islamists.345 Moreover, various speakers at the pro-Mursi sit-ins at Räba 'a al- 'Adawiyya and al-Nahda Square claimed it was a religious duty to reject the deposal of the Islamist president. Frequent references have been made to martyrdom and dying in the name of Islam.346 Yäsir Burhämi, senior shaykh and founder of al-Da 'wa al-Salafiyya, even spoke out about the "catastrophic discourse being done in the name of Islam."347 It thus appears as though the majority of Salafi politi cal parties are looking for ways to preserve their religious identity by using religion to justify their current position in the political arena. Moreover, although many Salafi parties identified themselves as opposition parties to the FJP, their criticism of the party was administrative and politi 343 Brown 2011, 3. 344 Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (i). 345 See Salafi newspaper www.elshaab.org 346 Ezzat 2013. 347 Al-Burhämi 2012. 97 cal more than ideological. Ultimately, the FJP wishes to see the implementa tion of Shari 'a and the unification of Muslim countries in a wi-der Islamic Caliphate. Despite certain objections to the FJP's political decisions, having a president who hails from an Islamist movement, and whose ultimate goal is broadly speaking in line with that of the Salafis, means that the deposal of this president for possibly a liberal or secular president significantly hampers materialization of the "Islamic Project." Since the "Islamic Project" strongly influences Salafi political activism, calling for the reinstatement of the Islamist president should be considered in relation to this goal. Remaining faithful to the "Islamic Project" is important for upholding and protecting the conservative religious identity of the Salafi parties, something that is threatened if they opt for a more political approach by negotiating with the interim government, largely seen as responsible for the overthrow of the Islamist president. This is reflected in the conflicting position of al-Isläh Par ty: Mansür claims that " [they] can sit with people of different ideologies and come to a decision," yet he simultaneously states that he cannot sit with the army and the opposition responsible for toppling Mursi's govern ment.348 Although he claims to be assuming a political role rather than a re ligious role by sitting with people of different ideologies, one must keep in mind that after the toppling of Mursi, these people of different ideologies only represent other Salafi parties and the Muslim Brotherhood. The post June 30 position taken by the majority of Salafi parties once again suggests that their commitment to the "Islamist Project" leaves very little room for political maneuvering with groups and parties of a truly different ideologi cal view. Unlike al-Nür Party, the smaller Salafi political parties refused to recognize the interim regime and are refusing to participate in the political roadmap. Since they did not participate they can continue to frame the struggle in terms of Islamists versus non-Islamists, using their identification with Islam and the "Islamic Project" to guarantee a wide support base among the more religiously conservative Egyptian population. It thus appeared as though the majority of Salafi parties have ignored poli-tical pragmatism and has opted instead for preserving their religious credibility among the masses. The conflicting reactions of al-Nür Party and the remaining Salafi parties towards June 30 and Mursi's subsequent deposal clearly demonstrate the struggle that exists between the simultaneous need for political pragmatism and protection of their religiously conservative Islamic identity. In order to safeguard their future stability however, it is important that Salafi parties find a way to balance political pragmatism and religious conservatism. 348 Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (i). 98 3.4.6 The "Islam ic Project" This section is divided into three parts in an effort to further explain the struggles surrounding the attempted implementation of the "Islamic Project." The first part analyzes the 2012 constitutional debate in order to illustrate the tension that may arise in trying to convert an ideological vi sion into a political agenda. Then the 2012 presidential elections are described after which the types of alliances made in the name of the "Islamic Project" are addressed in order to further demonstrate the tension that exists between religious Salafism and political Salafism. 3.4.6.1 The Constitutional Debate In the second half of 2012 a Constituent Assembly began drafting the new Egyptian Constitution. Al-Nür Party was the only Salafi party represented in the Constituent Assembly.349 Drafting of the Constitution gave rise to much debate, in particular concerning Article 2, which stipulates that the principles of Islamic law are the main source of legislation. Salafis opposed this article because it failed to have the principles defined and determined by shaykhs.350 They were pushing for a stricter rule that guaranteed a domi nant presence of Shari 'a, whereas the liberal and secular members were reluctant to amend Article 2 at all.351 The only solution was a compromise, which gave birth to Article 219. Article 219 defined the principles mentioned in Article 2 and attributed the role of defining these principles to al- Azhar, known for its moderate view of Islam, and not to the shaykhs suggested by the Salafis.352 This compromise did not receive a warm welcome among the majority of Salafi parties. In fact, most Salafis rejected the 2012 Constitution because they felt that it did not sufficiently protect Shari 'a.353 Al-Nür Party, as the largest and hence only Salafi party represented in the Constituent Assem bly, reluctantly accepted Article 219, even though it did not sufficiently satisfy the Salafi ideological goal. In negotiating with other political actors, al- Nür Party had been forced to make a political concession. In fact, according to Imäd ‘Abd al-Ghafür, leader of al-Watan Party, but presidential advisor and leader of al-Nür Party at the time of the constitutional debate, stated it was a good constitution that was written by a diverse group of Egyptians.354 349 Lombardi and Brown 2012. 350 Ibid. 351 Ibid. 352 Serödio 2012. 353 Lombardi and Brown, 2012; Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (g). 354 Serödio 2012. 99 Al-Asäla, al-Fadila, al-Sha 'b Party, shaykh Häzim Saläh Abü Ism äil, and his supporters all opposed the Constitution and they may well have considered the concessions made by al-Nür Party as a sacrifice of the "Islamic Project." Nevertheless, despite the apparent Salafi disapproval of the draft constitu tion, the referendum passed with 63.8% approval rate,355 a figure that was used to illustrate Egypt's overall support of Shari 'a. Voter turnout, however, was only 32.9%,356 which indicates that the grand majority of Egyptians boycotted the referendum. While the other smaller Salafi parties openly rejected the Constitution, it is difficult to determine whether they actually voted against it, as well. Although Salafis would rather have seen an article that more clearly defined the principles of Shari 'a and that assigned Inter pretation of these principles to the shaykhs they trusted, the inclusion of Ar ticle 219 is in fact a step in the right direction of implementing the "Islamic Project." With Article 219, Salafis had succeeded in defining what the prin ciples of Shari 'a would be, albeit in broad and technical terms, and the ar ticle thereby strengthened the role of Shari 'a in the 2012 Egyptian Constitu tion in comparison to the previous constitution. The smaller Salafi parties may thus have been vocal in their rejection of the Constitution in order to gain more support among conservative Muslims who wished to see a more definitive article, but whether they actually voted against it as well, is diffi cult to determine. The 2012 constitutional debate illustrates how Salafi presence in a diverse multiparty system forced them to make political concessions, which impeded the desired progress toward implementation of the "Islamic Project." This suggests the difficulty of translating the strict Salafi ideology into a po litical agenda. 3.4.6.2 2012 Presidential Elections A decisive moment for al-Nür Party was during the 2012 presidential elec tions when they chose to support ‘ Abd al-Mun im Abü al-Futüh, a former member of the Muslim Brotherhood and moderate Islamist, instead of shaykh Häzim Saläh Abü Ismä il. According to Nädir Bakkär, al-Nür Party backed al-Futüh because he met the minimum requirements for a president even though shaykh Häzim appeared to be the more likely choice because he identifies as a Salafi.357 For the grand majority of Salafi parties and Salafi followers, shaykh Häzim represented the "Islamic Project." His sole vision was the implementation of Shari 'a and creating an Islamic state in Egypt. 355 Egypt Independent 2012 (g). 356 Ibid. 357 Smit 2013 (c). 100 The lack of experience versus the correct Salafi identification is perfectly depicted in a statement made by shaykh Muhammad Saläh, who is not affiliated to any party in particular. He states that "[one] may be a physician and very religious, but being a physician or being able to manage [one's] own private clinic does not qualify [him] to be the minister of health."358 The fact that al-Nür Party considered shaykh Häzim's qualifications, or lack thereof, as a politician and as a president for all Egyptians to be more im portant than his commitment to the "Islamic Project" gave rise to controversy.359 Al-Nür Party understood the rules of the political system and made the required political concessions, but this was something that their followers did not understand, and it cost them a significant amount of support.360 In a letter written by Yäsir Burhämi, he referred to a conversation he had with high-ranking Salafi shaykh, ‘ Abd al-Rahmän ‘Abd al-Khäliq, who explained that "the situation is not suitable for an Islamist president. What we need is a devout president who will not fight Islam."361 This implies that al- Nür Party has adopted an approach that recognizes the need for patience and political pragmatism in stabilizing the Egyptian social and political arena first. The "Islamic Project" is a long-term goal, whose implementation cannot be guaranteed by simply supporting a presidential candidate who identifies as Salafi. The tension that surfaced during the 2012 presidential elections thereby suggest that Salafi political parties face challenges in committing to the "Islamic Project" while simultaneously taking the necessary political decisions in order to guarantee a stronger and more stable Egypt in the future. 3.4.6.3 The M aking and Breaking of Alliances Since the main goal of Salafi political parties is the implementation of the "Islamic Project" it often determines the alliances that are made and the projects on which a party chooses to focus. This once again suggests that a politically pragmatic approach in order to safeguard a future position in the political arena may be sacrificed for activities that can be carried out in the name of the "Islamic Project." Issäm al-Sharif of al-Asäla Party explains how it is of little relevance what party people support as long as it is an Islamist party.362 He adds that al- 358 Smit and Casper 2013. 359 Smit 2013 (c). 360 Drevon 2013. 361 Al-Burhämi 2012. 362 Smit and Casper 2013. 101 liances are not very important, as long as they are made for the greater goal of the "Islamic Project." He says: "As long as that flag is being raised, we'll stand behind it and work for it. [...] We want the application of Shari 'a; who is going to do it, doesn't matter."363 Similarly, leading al-Asäla figure, Häni Fawzi, states that because the party agenda is Islam ic," [they] must be con nected to Islamic parties. [...]. If an un-Islamic party is doing something good for our right, then that is good, but we do not make a connection with them."364 Regardless of their political position, Salafi parties work together on charity projects in order to strengthen the support for the "Islamic Project."365 This explains why Al-Asäla worked together with the FJP in Warräq despite al-Asäla identifying itself as in opposition to the then ruling FJP. Instead of strengthening its own position and working towards expanding a support base for Al-Asäla specifically, the party appears to be more concerned with the "Islamic Project" in general. It must be emphasized that Salafis have access to the masses. Already well before their political participation, Salafis had established charity hospitals around the country and devoted significant resources to social welfare projects, particularly in rural areas. As a result, Salafis have always had a large support base and continue to benefit from their effective methods of mobilizing this support. As long as Salafi parties are capable of mobilizing people, regardless of what party has the greatest number of members or supporters, there is likely to be some kind of Salafi representation in poli tics, which can subsequently safeguard any progress made towards imple mentation of the "Islamic Project." Nevertheless, this approach may still limit the alliances that are and can potentially be made with non-Islamist parties. Salafi parties are not the only actors on the political scene, hence concessions and negotiations must be made with other actors who may not believe in the same principles or whose policies are likely to be determined by a different end goal. Many smaller Salafi parties are dictated by religious convictions, and thus refuse cooperation with actors who do not strive for the creation of an Islamic state. However, negotiating and working together with these actors to maintain a legitimate and credible political position is of utmost importance, especially given the diversity of Egypt's political system. In short, political pragmatism is important for parties to guarantee their po sition in the political arena and adoption of a more inclusive approach would be sensible, but as long as the "Islamic Project" remains a priority, 363 Ibid. 364 Smit 2013 (a). 365 Ibid. 102 this is unlikely to happen. This suggests once again that the constant struggle between being politically pragmatic and thereby securing a position in the political arena, while at the same time maintaining a conservative religious identity challenges the future stability of any Salafi party. 3.5 Product of the Revolution The previous section has attempted to outline the struggle that exists be tween political Salafism and religious Salafism and the inevitable tension that this is likely to continuously generate. The second argument for assessing that the future shape and position of Salafi political parties is fragile at best is based on the notion that these parties are a product of the Revolu tion. Rather than having had the time to gradually become politicallyintegrated, Salafi parties were thrown headfirst into an environment considered revolutionary, with a support base of which the majority had not had a voice for decades but suddenly considered themselves a crucial component of the Revolution. This section illustrates the challenges faced by Salafi political parties because of their participation in a revolutionary environ ment as well as their adoption of a revolutionary frame of mind. 3.5.1 A Revolutionary Environment and Support Base Since the January 25 Revolution, there has been a strong tendency to take Egyptian politics to the streets. As a result, a Salafi support base has manifested itself which is increasingly rebellious in nature and which is likely to influence the decisions taken by any Salafi party that surfaced during or immediately after the January 25 Revolution. This is illustrated by examining the positions of al-Nür Party and al-Watan Party in the political scene. Al-Nür Party's official stance in a lot of instances appears to be more mod erate than the positions taken by smaller Salafi parties such as al-Sha 'b Par ty, al-Fadila Party, and al-Asäla Party because the party is, as already argued, more politically pragmatic. For example, al-Nür has refused to participate in numerous protests called for by other Salafi parties, such as the protests re jecting the 2012 draft constitution, the protests demanding the purging of the judiciary, and the protests to counter June 30, Tamarrud. After al-Watan Party was launched on January 1,2013, it also distanced itself from certain protests, including the early protests organized to counter Tamarrud. This was a pragmatic decision taken by both parties in which they may have considered the future importance of maintaining a moderate political posi tion. After July 3 however, al-Watan Party reconsidered their decision and adopted a more prominent stance in support of the FJP and the deposed former president, Mursi. Although al-Nür Party distances itself politically 103 from many protests, supporters and members of the party and al-Da 'wa al- Salafiyya have frequently been seen at those protests they officially claimed not to support.366 Khälid Mansür, frequently present at the protests, ex plains this is because "the people on the ground, the grassroots of al-Da 'wa al-Salafiyya, whose structure is not solid like the Muslim Brotherhood, [...] do not have control over all their supporters. It's as simple as their suppor ters taking a taxi and joining the protests in Nasr City."367 This is supported by al-Nür Party spokesperson Nädir Bakkär, who maintains that the party and al-Da 'wa al-Salafiyya cannot stop all their members from joining protests despite their open rejection of certain protests.368 Another possible explana tion is that the party depends on that part of the population that became vocal only after the Revolution and who continue to make revolutionary demands in the streets. In order to appease this support base, al-Nür may thus opt to still have a representation at some of the protests it has officially rejected. Either way, the on-going revolutionary environment of Egypt is bound to influence political parties. The reason to continuously take politics to the street can also be considered as a reflection of the lack of political experience of both the Salafi political parties as well as their support base. As mentioned above, political participation was completely new to this part of Egyptian society. In order not to loose the momentum created by the January 25 Revolution, the now politi cally active Salafis threw themselves head first into the political arena of which they had no previous experience whatsoever. As explained by Muhammad Saläh, political participation could be simply by voting or preparing ourselves for the next five, ten, or twenty years because we are not in a hurry. That way we can present qualified and experienced people, instead of presenting people who are handicapped.369 Instead, parties were created, a Salafi presidential candidate was presented and a support base was formed, all in a revolutionary environment in which the main actors were acutely unaware of what politics actually meant. Saläh again explains how "Salafis had zero [political] experience. [ . ] They can [ . ] supervise from a distance, but they should not be in the front row."370 366 Sabry 2013. 367 Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (i). 368 Smit 2013 (c). 369 Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (g). 370 Ibid. 104 Since Salafi parties are trapped in this revolutionary environment, they may be required to give in to some of the demands made by a support base that continues to take politics to the streets. Al-Nür Party has lost support because it has not always represented itself as revolutionary as some of the other Salafi parties by showing their support in protests.371 It thus appears as though Salafi parties are forced to balance a political identity with a reli gious identity, in addition to a revolutionary identity. The tricky position in which the Salafi parties now find themselves is an inevitable result of them never having had the chance to grow naturally and create a support base that is more loyal to the party and its political ideas rather than to the Revo lution. 3.5.2 The Revolutionary Character of Salafi Political Parties In the environment ofrevolution, where there are no standards, rules and regulations, you lose respect.372 Many of the political parties in Egypt consider themselves revolutionary. Many parties were formed after the January 25 Revolution and claim to be striving for the goals of the Revolution - bread, freedom, and social justice. Arguably, the Salafi political parties have an even stronger revolutionary identity and can be considered a ground-breaking product of the Revolu tion. Their very presence on the political playing field is revolutionary because it is unprecedented and it shows the extent to which now political Salafis have radically revised their ideas and adapted to the new situation. This gives every Salafi political party a particularly distinct revolutionary identity. Nevertheless, some Salafi parties are more revolutionary and radical373 than others and have taken on an uncompromising, and sometimes extreme, po sition in the political arena. These parties are al-Räya, al-Sha b, al-Asäla, al- Fadila, and al-Isläh. As already illustrated, al-Nür Party is politically too pragmatic and compromising to be added to this list. Al-Watan Party is somewhere in between - before June 30 the party was pragmatic in allying with the FJP despite criticism that the ruling party was keeping the corrupt system in place. In the post-Mursi era however, al-Watan Party has sacrificed this pragmatism and taken on an uncompromising position towards 371 Drevon 2013; Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (h). 372 Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (g). 373 Note that radical here does not necessarily refer to religious beliefs or a religious agenda. It refers instead to the extremity with which they wish to see the goals of January 25 Revolution materialised and the former regime punished. 105 the interim regime thereby siding completely with the smaller Salafi parties mentioned above. These smaller and particularly revolutionary Salafi parties believe in the need to deal with the previous Mubärak regime in a radical way, which includes the purging of the entire system and banning any member of the previous regime from participating in politics.374 These parties opposed the FJP before June 30 because they considered it to work within the old system without attempting to drastically reform it. Mansür states that al-Isläh Party wanted "the restructuring of the ministry, getting people of the old regime out of everything and putting them in prison. [They] wanted serious cases against them [...] and [they] also wanted to achieve all the goals of the revolution."375 Fathi of al-Fadila Party describes the performance of President Mursi and his government as "w eak" and "less than [their] expectations" because they do not deal with the previous regime on a revolutionary ba sis.376 In his opinion, "the successful revolutions are those that deal with the previous regime on a very clear, what they deserve basis, as for example, the French Revolution and the slaughter of the opposition and the Iranian Revolution and the jailing of the previous regime."377 The revolutionary mindset of the Salafi parties also clearly came to the forefront in April 2013, during the debate regarding the purging of the judiciary. The parties that were participating in these rallies were al-Asäla, al- Räya, al-Watan, al-Sha b, and al-Isläh. These parties were particularly vocal in stating that all the judges suspected of supporting Mubärak needed to be removed.378 They demanded that the retirement age was lowered in order to force out the older generation of judges with alleged ties to the former Mubärak regime. A more realistic, but less revolutionary, demand would have been to lower the retirement age across the entire political and eco nomic spectrum instead of targeting just the judiciary - a suggestion made by an anonymous former member of al-Watan Party, who later left politics because he could not agree with some of the decisions that were being made in his party.379 Jerome Drevon, a PhD researcher studying Islamist groups in Egypt, suggested that perhaps the most revolutionary and radical Salafi party is al- 374 Smit 2013 (b); Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (h, i). 375 Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (i). 376 Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (h). 377 Ibid. 378 Smit 2013 (b); Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (h). 379 Smit 2013 (d). 106 Räya, founded by shaykh Häzim Saläh Abü Ism äil.380 Shaykh Häzim was very vocal in the early days of the January 25 Revolution and was consi dered one of the biggest supporters of the Revolution.381 Drevon explained that this has made him extremely popular, particularly among the Salafi youth who took to the streets en masse in the early days of the Revolu tion.382 Fathi, who supported shaykh Häzim during the presidential elec tions, further emphasized this idea, stating, "shaykh Häzim was clearly the most revolutionary candidate among all. [ . ] [He] has always stood firm on the clear position of the Revolution hence he has garnered a huge popula tion in the country."383 His followers are referred to as Häzimün and are often the youth who are not part of any other movement.384 Häzim has frequently called for protests to counter what he considers the opposition's attempts to boycott Islamist efforts to rule the country. For example, in March 2013, Häzim called for a siege of the liberal parties' headquarters and the Egyptian Media Production City in response to the liberals' opposi tion to the Muslim Brotherhood and the media's bias against Islamists.385 In the words of a member of the Häzimün support group, "burning hypocrisy city [Egyptian Media Production City] is a revolutionary action. Glory to peacefulness."386 A significant number of the Salafi and Islamist youth consider themselves revolutionaries and therefore find a perfect role model in Häzim.387 In fact, before the events of June 30, Jerome Drevon predicted Häzim could easily win around 15-20 percent of the votes during the next parliamentary elec tions.388 As a result of this popularity, smaller parties such as al-Sha 'b and al-Fadila wanted to merge with Häzim's party in order to benefit from the party's large support base.389 Additionally, al-Watan Party tried to ally with shaykh Häzim and there were also rumors that 150 members of al-Nür Party resigned to join al-Räya immediately after the party was founded.390 These 380 Hulsman, Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (a). 381 Lacroix 2012, 7. 382 Hulsman, Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (a). 383 Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (h). 384 Hulsman, Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (a). 385 Enein 2013. 386 Ibid. 387 Hulsman, Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (a); Lacroix 2012, 8. 388 Hulsman, Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (a). 389 Fady 2013; Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (h). 390 Fady 2013. 107 developments suggest that Häzim's popularity among the Islamist revolutionary youth made him a crucial ally for a number of Salafi parties. Although Häzim is considered extremely charismatic - apart from his call for the continuation of the Revolution and for the implementation of Islam ic law - he has no vision for the future of the party or a well-formulated po litical policy.391 He appears to have no real economic or political agenda. Drevon predicted that despite a large backing, Häzim and his al-Räya Party would lose all popular and political support in five years' time, a period lasting from 2011-2016, because of the complete absence of a real party pro gram.392 Nädir Bakkär of al-Nür Party agreed with Drevon's opinion and expected that" [Häzim's] party will fail with the people. [ . ] He is the oneman show style, without any real team around him ."393 In the aftermath of Mursi's deposal, Häzim has been arrested and accused of inciting violence. With Häzim Saläh Abü Ismä il currently in jail, al-Räya Party is missing its main component and unless Häzim returns, the party is likely to gradually lose momentum and eventually disappear from the scene altogether. 3.5.3 Im plications of Being a Product of the Revolution Being a product of the Revolution essentially implies that Salafi parties were born out of a struggle; Salafis came out to fight for freedom and equality during the Revolution. Since the January 25 Revolution and after the decision to participate politically, Salafis have gained a more legitimate place in Egyptian society.394 Although this was a positive development for Salafis, their mentality ap pears to be one in which they continue to build on the notion of a revolutionary struggle. This is indicated by Khälid Mansür from al-Isläh Party when he explains that "when [they] joined the January 25 Revolution, [they] knew most of [them] would die on the streets, but [they] had a clear objective for which [they] were going to struggle."395 Mansür explains how in the post-June 30 setting Salafis are again forced to struggle for their rights. He adds that they will continue "struggling" in order to protect their position and make their demands heard.396 This epitomizes the revolutionary mindset that dominates a grand majority of Salafi political participants. As long as they maintain that the Revolution is incomplete, their 391 Smit 2013 (d); Hulsman, Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (a). 392 Hulsman, Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (a). 393 Smit 2013 (c). 394 Smit 2013 (d). 395 Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (i). 396 Ibid. 108 struggle is justified. And as long as there is a struggle in which they identify themselves as the victim, they have a way of justifying their unwillingness to negotiate with other players. Mansür believes that the deposal of Mursi is a coup, and therefore they do not "have the space to sit with them [the opposition] or start any negotiations unless there are clear objectives that [they] can meet."397 As long as they can argue that the liberal opposition, the police force, the army and the judiciary are against Islamists, their struggle becomes one in which they must continue to fight for the rights of Islamists. Salafi parties are thereby able to benefit from a political environ ment where much of the discourse creates a sense of division between Is lamists and non-Islamists because it enables them to carry forward their struggle with the new voice their political participation has created. Nevertheless, Salafi parties need to partially amend this struggle mentality and find a way to negotiate with the other political players in order to ensure that they will have a legitimate position in the future political arena. Egyptians are generally starting to get weary of the instability of the last years and the volatile economic and political landscape. There is a dire need for reconciliation, but instead the majority of Salafi political parties are prolonging their struggle and thereby playing an important role in perpetuating the polarization that grips Egypt. In the long run, this struggle cannot withstand the presumably stronger demand for stability and it is possible that support will gradually wane for those Salafi parties that continue to refuse negotiations and concessions. Noteworthy is that the Salafi parties are not the only ones playing a role in prolonging the conflict. Salafi political parties are participating in an envi ronment that is dominated by a strong anti-Islamist sentiment emanating largely from the "deep state," which refers to the state bureaucracy and in stitutions that have been in place since the time of Mubärak (arguably dating back to the time of al-Näsir already) including for example the security forces, military intelligence and the judiciary. The "deep state" is apprehensive of any kind of change, and Salafis have subsequently faced opposition since the day they became politically active.398 Although political Salafis in particular may be lacking an inclusive approach, this appears to be the case for Egypt's political scene in general, whether the actors are liberal or secular, the Muslim Brothers, the judiciary or the former regime. One side's pol icy of exclusion thus perpetuates the other's and it is too simple to say that the Salafi political parties must end their struggle and embrace a more in clusive approach in which they recognize the need to negotiate with all ac- 397 Ibid. 398 Hubbard and Kirkpatrick 2013; Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (h). 109 tors. This is made nearly impossible given the nature of Egypt's political system. Nevertheless, by calling for the purging of the former regime and the judiciary, and by denying any remnant of the former regime to be politically active, the smaller Salafi parties are creating the impression that they refuse to seek a path towards stability. In addition, this type of rhetoric empowers the trend of suppression and tyranny. It is a radical and revolutionary way of punishing everything and everyone related to the former regime. On a political level, this means there is little room for negotiations or peace build ing, and this mentality is thus unlikely to be capable of sustaining a large support base in the long run. In a country that is already so politically divided, it is only likely to prolong the struggle and deepen the rifts in socie ty. 3.6 Conclusion This chapter has attempted to illustrate that the Salafi political parties are likely to face many challenges in the future, particularly as a result of an in herent struggle between religious Salafism and political Salafism. The chal lenges are further complicated by the parties' need to find a politically pragmatic approach that does not undermine their revolutionary identity. A significant proportion of Egypt's population identifies with one or more of the Salafi parties and feels like his or her rights may now finally be acknowledged. As a result, Salafi political participation has become an impor tant factor in Egypt's post-January 25 setting. Nevertheless, a struggle is born when the politically inexperienced Salafi parties place such great importance on their ideological goal before first ascertaining a stable political position. This struggle will prove difficult to overcome. Salafi political par ties, especially the smaller parties such as al-Fadila, al-Asäla and al-Watan that have no significant constituency nor mother organization, are ultimately dependent on shaykhs for mobilizing support. At the same time however, creating an influential role for shaykhs is likely to prevent these parties from truly embracing their political role. Being politically pragmatic and accepting to play according to the, at times, dirty rules of the political arena is the only way these parties can guarantee their future position in the political scene. Playing this game how-ever, stands in stark contrast with what they must do to remain faithful to their Salafi identity and guarantee a large support base from among the religiously conservative Egyptian masses. A stable political future for the Salafi parties requires that a balance be found between being politically pragmatic, while simultaneously maintaining a conservative religious identity. It appears as though this will continue to pose challenges given the seeming unwillingness to sacrifice part of their 110 ideological goal or make concessions to the "Islamic Project" for the sake of appeasing other political actors. An extra challenge is added to this when considering the revolutionary en vironment in which the Salafi parties find themselves. The majority of politically-active Salafis are revolutionaries, which implicates their role as politicians; they cannot negotiate about the demands of the Revolution as politicians would without sacrificing part of their identity as revolutionaries. Additionally, their support base consists mainly of Salafi individuals who equally consider themselves revolutionaries, and playing the politician card would thus likely cost them supporters. Their revolutionary mindset is largely influenced by a struggle mentality, which limits the extent to which these parties are capable of embra-cing a politically pragmatic approach in order to negotiate and cooperate with other political actors. Although the Egyptian political landscape largely blocks any such approach, regardless of whether there is desire to adopt it, it appears as though Salafi political parties need to somewhat readjust their revolutionary rhetoric in order to make room for a more moderate political approach that is both realistic and more representative of all Egyptians. At the same time, such a shift in rhetoric is risky because it may create a more detached support base that sees this shift as an abandonment of the Revolu tion. Salafi parties are again faced with a dilemma and because they are a product of the Revolution, and essentially owe their entire existence to the Revolution, this dilemma will prove difficult to overcome. Despite the many challenges outlined in this chapter, a positive develop ment must be mentioned, as well. By having become politically active, Salafis have shown to be capable of flexibility and mobility, two traits that are not normally associated with the image of the conservative Salafi. Since the January 25 Revolution, Salafis have, time and again, demonstrated their ability to redefine certain values and beliefs in order to move along with the political process. The very fact that they have become politically active and accepted to work within and towards a more inclusive and democratic sys tem is indicative of this. This suggests that Salafis are very much able to adapt to their environment and are still searching for ways to navigate through the political arena in order to secure their political position while simultaneously staying on the most direct path towards their ideological goal - the "Islamic Project." Concluding from this research, al-Nür Party is the most pragmatic Salafi party in the field with the most secured political position. Al-Nür Party plays the political game and has made concessions and alliances that have cost it support, but that have at least protected their legitimate position in the political arena. Moreover, al-Nür has the backing of al-Da 'wa al-Salafiyya, 111 which provides it with the religious credibility it needs in order to benefit from a still significant number of followers. Other Salafi parties may have won more followers after June 30, but in refusing to recognize the interim government and rejecting calls for reconciliation, they risked their legitimate position in the political arena and were thereby unable to support al- Nür in their attempt to further the steps that can be made toward the "Is lamic Project." Given the volatility of the political arena however, one can do little more than hypothesize. However, it is sufficient to assert that Salafi political par ties are facing significant challenges in finding a clear balance between po litical pragmatism and religious conservatism and in turn combining this with the appropriate amount of revolutionary spirit. Salafi parties thereby find themselves in a precarious position whose future shape is not at all certain. Not only is the political position of Salafi parties fragile, it appears as though these challenges will also obstruct the steps that can be made in the direction of the "Islamic Project"- their very justification for existence. 112 4 Al-Jamaa al-Islamiyya: The Burden of History on Internal Transition (Jayson Casper) 4.1 Introduction Among the post-revolutionary Islamist actors in Egypt, the significance of al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya (Islamic Group) rests mostly in its history. The success of the Muslim Brotherhood, older as an organization, is attributed to their extended experience in oppositional protest politics. The Salafis, playing politics for the first time after a long non-political and quitestist experience, have reaped the rewards of decades of social work. But both, compared to al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya, are odd recipients of revolutionary reward. Al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya is Egypt's original revolutionary movement. The his tory of this movement is contested due to its association with violence, as will be explored. Nevertheless, they were one of the few to call for and actively work towards the downfall of President Mubarak during the 1980s and 90s. A two decade-long war of attrition resulted in the deaths of many partisans and the imprisonment of most leaders. As an organization they were all but completely incapacitated, earning a degree of freedom of operation only after the publication of an equally contested revision of their practical theology concerning violence. But when the youth-led Revolution of January 25 erupted, they had no youth to join. The moment passed them by. But it did not pass by completely. As the Revolution morphed into a politi cal transition they participated wholeheartedly. Their Islamist rivals cum allies were better equipped to succeed, al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya lent support, especially from their base of strength in Upper Egypt, particularly in Asyüt. They gained few seats in the new parliament, but their reward was a return to prominence. Leaders, long imprisoned, now spoke forcefully in the pub lic square. The situation can be seen as ironic. Egypt's Islamic revolutionaries i.e. al- Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya missed the Revolution. In the aftermath of the Revolu tion, they preached democracy. But the greatest legitimacy of their voice was due to their use of violence in the past, now forsworn, amid great societal doubt. Their ongoing calls for greater 'Islamization' of the political order brought back their revolutionary overtones. But their relative political weakness was contrasted with a feared resurrection of their social burden to enforce Islamic morality. This, they constantly denied, though such de fensive posture hardly seemed worthy of their revolutionary heritage. 113 Neither popular nor organized enough to be fully relevant, they appeared as a relic of a former age struggling to adapt to a new reality they long have called for. They appeared comfortable letting others have the stage, placing importance in the success of Islam rather than the success of al-Jamä 'a al- Islämiyya specifically. Though genuine in appearance, it also begs the question of a necessary contentment with their lot. This chapter reflects perspective on al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya gained from several sources. These include the chapter of Roel Meijer in the book Global Salafism, focusing on their history and practice in promoting virtue and preventing vice. It also relies upon the field-work, reports, and an interview with Jerome Drevon, a French researcher who has spent considerable time in al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya networks, and the testimony of Mamdüh Sarür, an Upper Egyptian Journalist critical of al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya. Finally, it consists of personal interviews conducted with ‘Ala’Abü Näsir, General Secretary of al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya's Building and Development Party (Hizb al- B inä' wa-l-Tanmiyya), ‘Izzat al-Salamüni, member of al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya's guidance council in Cairo, Muhammad ‘Umar ‘Abd al-Rahman, son of the organization's former Mufti ‘Umar ‘Abd al-Rahman, often called "the blind shaykh,” now imprisoned in the United States for his role in the World Trade Center bombing of 1993, and draws also from other conversations with less influential group members over the past few years. 4.2 History Mentioning "the blind shaykh" is a useful starting point to describe al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya. He was invited by youthful Islamist students from universities in Asyüt, al-Minyä, and Sühäj in the 1970s and served officially as their spi ritual leader when al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya became a formal organization. Islamism at this time was reemergingfrom a time of suppression as President Anwar al-Sädät encouraged student religiosity in order to weaken the leftist networks nurtured by his predecessor, Jamäl ‘Abd al-Näsir. By 1977 these disparate groups established control on campus by winning student union elections.399 Students were motivated by a basic Salafi ideology which meant to return society to the practices of the first generations of Islam. Salafism as an ideol ogy is multifaceted, applied differently according to the interpretations of individual shaykhs or movements as explained in chapter 3. The Muslim Brotherhood was influenced by Salafi ideas but chose the path of political participation as an organizational vanguard. Al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya rebelled 399 Meijer 2009,195. 114 against this idea and combined Salafi scholarship with a revolutionary so cial agenda. 4.2.1 Hisba Specifically this included the concept of hisba, which was the duty of the community to promote virtue and prohibit vice (al- 'amr bi-l-ma 'rufwa-l-nahy 'an al-munkar). Despite the opening given to al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya by Anwar al-Sädät, the organization increasingly came to see him as negligent in his duties as a Muslim leader, especially concerning hisba. Zealous students therefore took this upon themselves. Group members would forcefully break up social gatherings where men and women comingled. Attacks would be made on alcohol shops. But above all, leaders, such as Muhammad ‘Umar ‘Abd al-Rahman, would preach vehemently against the president. Naturally, these activities attracted the attention of the security services.400 4.2.2 State Response This is where the narrative gets murky. Al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya leaders admitted 'excesses' on the part of their members. Muhammad ‘Umar ‘Abd al- Rahman maintained the oppressive al-Sädät government provoked and escalated violence. Police would storm a mosque hosting an anti-al-Sädät preacher; those inside would resist, resulting in deaths on both sides. Furthermore, successive ministers of the interior pursued a policy of assassinating al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya leaders; over 100 were killed, he said. This drove retaliatory strikes against police, and culminated in al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya's most damning blow. In an effort to assassinate the minister of the interior in 1990, al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya killed the head of parliament instead.401 Al-Jamä'a al-Islämiyya leadership was rounded up in prison, and their youthful devotees, devoid of guidance, engaged in ever more 'excesses'. The group's goal was to lead a popular - not violent - revolution to establish a true Islamic state. The police state made this impossible, while others who tried to reform the system, such as the Muslim Brotherhood, only validated the secular legitimacy of parliamentary democracy.402 400 Ibid. 401 Casper 2013 (c). 402 Meijer 2009, 207. 115 4.2.3 Adoption of Violence In 1979, therefore, al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya pursued a different strategy. They merged with the Jihäd Organization toward a dual purpose. Jihäd would be a small, secretive wing dedicated to assassinating Anwar al-Sädät. Simultaneously, al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya would lead an insurrection in Upper Egypt and gain administrative control of the region. The first plot succeeded in 1981; the second was crushed. The response of the state was swift and harsh and decimated the organization. Some leadership fled and began operating abroad; local leaders were all imprisoned. Of note is the fact that in 1982, sentencing the main assassins to death, an Egyptian court found ‘Abd al-Rahmän not guilty of involvement. Nonethe less, he left Egypt and eventually settled in the United States, where he continued his preaching against the government led by President Husni Mubärak. His son claimed his incarceration in 1993 was a conspi-racy in which the US agreed to Mubärak's request to pervert justice and lock him up in exchange for acceding to American foreign policy goals in the re gion.403 Academic literature, however, notes "the blind shaykh's" incendiary rhetoric and incitement toward violence.404 Sitting in solitary confinement, however, ‘Abd al-Rahmän still served as spiritual guide. Mubärak meanwhile arrested over 20,000 group members, prompting the jailed domestic leadership to reevaluate its strategy. In 1997 they issued a unilateral and unconditional ceasefire. This was jeopardized by the terrorist attack killing dozens of foreign tourists visiting Luxor in 1997. "The blind shaykh's" son claimed that radicalized youth, perhaps in association with external al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya leadership, preferred the path of violent overthrow. The best way to weaken the government, ‘Abd al-Rahmän stated of group policy in the 1990s, was to ruin tourism.405 4.2.4 'The Revisions' This strategy was indeed formulated by "the blind shaykh," but he never wanted anyone dead, said ‘Abd al-Rahmän. His father signaled his initial agreement in 1998, though he wavered when he did not see a full response from the government. Still, by 1999 negotiations led their leadership to agree publicly to the nonviolent initiative, and a limited number were released from prison. In 2001 these cooperated with the government in highly 403 Interview with Muhammad ‘Umar ‘Abd al-Rahmän 2012. 404 Meijer 2009,197. 405 Interview with Muhammad ‘Umar ‘Abd al-Rahmän 2012. 116 publicized visits to convince still imprisoned members of the new, nonvio lent, doctrine. Their results are contested, as will be seen. The culmination of the nonviolent initiative was the publication of four volumes of theological reflection, called 'The Revisions', on the use of force, on the concept of hisba, and on legitimate means of change. This included an acceptance of the parliamentary system.406 However, al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya only benefitted in a limited way from their allowance of this less than desirable but permitted democratic process, since many members remained imprisoned, and released leaders were closely monitored. Preaching opportunities remained extremely limited. The organization remained in shambles up until the January 25 Revolu tion.407 Though they played almost no part, they were beneficiaries. Shortly after the fall of Mubärak most leaders were released from prison.408 4.3 Reconstitution At the outbreak of the Revolution differences began to appear among tradi tional leaders. Näjih Ibrähim and Karam Zuhdi, widely considered cham pions of 'The Revisions' stayed silent. They had been released from prison earlier and, at least in retrospect, were considered to have gone too far in placating the state, viewing Mubärak as a legitimate Muslim president whose rule should be respected. Many still in prison however, notably the brothers Täriq and 'Abbüd al-Zumar, openly called for revolution from their cells after January 2 5 ,2011.409 All viewed themselves as legitimate revolutionaries in their youth. Accord ing to ‘Abd al-Rahman, 'Abbüd al-Zumar supplied the weapons involved in the assassination of Anwar al-Sädät; Zuhdi was a leading figure in the effort to declare an independent state in Upper Egypt at the time of al- Sädät's assassination.410 But as al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya began to reconstitute itself in the new political situation, a shift began to appear, partially involving interpretation of 'The Revisions.' In a first step, however, al-Salamüni stated that the basic organization structure had to be restored. From before the Revolution and continuing, al- Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya cells were created at the village level and usually centered around a particular mosque. Members chose a Guidance Council 406 Meijer 2009, 214. 407 Hulsman, Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (a). 408 Baghat 2014. 409 Drevon 2014. 410 Interview with Muhammad ‘Umar ‘Abd al-Rahmän 2012. 117 (Maktab al-Irshäd) of 5-7 leaders, geographically linked villages, then created a council at the district level, and these chose between 7-9 members for a guidance council in each governorate.411 Governorates then elected a total of 300 members to a nationwide general assembly, to which 50 additional influential leaders were appointed by the historical leadership. By May of 2011 these were able to meet and democratically elect al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya's Guidance Council comprising of nine members. These included Issäm Darbäla as the president, Usäma Häfiz as the vice-president, Äsim ‘ Abd al-Mäjid, Ali Dinari, Safwat ‘ Abd al-Ghani, Täriq al-Zumar, ‘ Abbüd al-Zumar, Saläh Häshim, and Husayn ‘ Abd al-Ä l. Even though these persons exercised leadership and publically represent the organization, all official decisions are taken by the larger general assembly.412 Missing from this list are Ibrähim and Zuhdi, long considered the ideologues of al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya. In fact, Ibrähim was elected to the Guidance Council, but in the ninth and final position. Previously, he was considered the number two man in the organization with Zuhdi serving as president. Perhaps recognizing the changing attitude among members, Ibrähim declined his position and chose to leave administration to others.413 Exploring this changing attitude and what it implies for al-Jamä'a al- Islämiyya and its Revisions will be considered below. As the main challenge within al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya was perceived to be the question of how to deal with the new opening granted by the Revolution in which they had not played a key role, a shift from ideology to pragmatism took place. 4.4 Politicization One of the first decisions taken by the general council was to create a politi cal party, called the Building and Development Party, to serve as the politi cal arm of al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya. There was only limited debate about this issue, which signaled the organization's recognition of the Revolution and the legitimacy of its turn toward politics. 4.4.1 Internal Democracy Näsir ‘ Abd al-Saläm was selected as party president, ‘ Ala’Abü al-Nasr as its general secretary, and Täriq al-Zumar as head of the political office. Each 411 Casper 2013 (c). 412 Interview with ‘Ala’Abü al-Nasr 2013. 413 Ibid. 118 was appointed into his position by al-Jama 'a al-Islamiyya leadership, with whom there was great overlap. According to ‘A la’Abü al-Nasr, this overlap was viewed as natural by al- Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya, which considers the political party to be its birth child.414 In this they resemble the Freedom and Justice Party of the Muslim Brother hood and al-Nür Party al-Da 'wa al-Salafiyya (the Salafi Call), each of which is viewed less as an independent political party than as an extension of the group in question. This perhaps semantic question is important, for each of these parties have been able to register legally with the government, while the mother institutions remain in official limbo. For their part, al-Salamüni asserted that they were studying the issue of official registration, waiting to see how the institutions of state would be reshaped in the transitional period.415 But if this overlap seems natural, he said it is not official party policy to have it continue, though independence is not to be considered. Internal elections were due to be held after one year, but were canceled for unclear reasons. Moreover, the party claims it has a majority of members drawn from outside al-Jamä'a al-Islämiyya, including Christians.416 Identifying them, however, is difficult even for the party. Neither al-Salamüni nor his staff were able to offer estimates of total party membership or name the Christians among them. 4.4.2 Financing Another uncertain issue facing both (the original group and the political party) party and group concerns financing. Unlike members of the Muslim Brotherhood which were given space in society to operate and conduct business though officially banned, most members of al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya spent considerable time in prison. They are not a wealthy organization, and in fact, according to Jerome Drevon, a considerable number of members appear not to have work at all apart from their group activity.417 Some members themselves expressed uncertainty about where the money comes from, having heard it is funded by wealthy Egyptians, perhaps some who have made their fortune in the Gulf.418 Others, such as al-Salamüni, speak of a more general interplay of financial transfer - they receive from 414 Ibid. 415 Casper 2013 (c). 416 Interview with ‘Ala’ Abü al-Nasr 2013. 417 Hulsman, Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (a). 418 Ibid. 119 the rich to give to the poor, having won a trusted social role in Upper Egypt.419 But some observers, such as Mamdüh Sarür, wondered if they are financed by the Muslim Brotherhood,420 while the accusation of funding from either citizens or states in the Gulf hung over all Islamist movements. The Build ing and Development Party was required to file officially with the state, but al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya escaped scrutiny due to its unregistered nature. 4.4.3 Political Influence Lacking such capital may help explain their relatively poor performance in national politics. The Building and Development Party joined with the smaller, Cairo-based Salafi al-Asäla Party and the more influential Salafi al- Nür Party, whose base of operations is in Alexandria. Overall, this alliance did very well, winning a full quarter of the popular vote. How much of their success in Upper Egypt can be attributed to the influence of al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya is debated, but their reward was meager. Of a total of 123 seats won by the coalition, the Building and Development Party received only 13. Safwat ‘ Abd al-Ghani was elected head of their parliamentary bloc.421 Al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya again played second fiddle in the presidential elec tions, but their maneuvering suggests a maturity in their political reasoning. The general assembly gathered and for fifteen hours listened to various invited Islamist candidates, afterwards debating who they should support.422 Early on, they somewhat surprisingly rejected the populist campaign of the independent Islamist Hazim Salah Abü Isma il. Though conservative Mus lims throughout Egypt rallied behind his calls for an Islamic state, al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya deemed him too divisive in his rhetoric as it unnerved liberals and non-Islamist revolutionaries alike.423 Eventually he was disqualified for having a parent of non-Egyptian citizenship, which was forbidden by the electoral law. They also chose not to support the candidate of the Muslim Brotherhood, first Khayrat al-Shatir, then Muhammad Mursi. They were aware that many liberals did not trust the Brotherhood, and instead favored a decision of 419 Casper 2013 (c). 420 Interview with Mamdüh Sarür 2013. 421 Interview with ‘Ala’Abü al-Nasr 2013. 422 Ibid. 423 Ibid. 120 maximum consensus to secure the gains of the revolution.424‘Abd al- Mun im Abü al-Futüh, on the other hand, occupied a middle ground be tween the Islamist and liberal camps, was a revolutionary figure, and had the added benefit of once being among their number.425 Al-Jamä'a al- Islämiyya support, however, along with the endorsement of al-Nür Party, may have cost him in the end as liberals and revolutionaries grew wary of ‘ Abü al-Futüh's true objectives. He fell to fourth position with a disappointing 17 percent of the vote, having early on been considered a front runner. In the second round, however, al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya rallied behind the candidacy of Muhammad Mursi in opposition to Ahmad Shafiq, whom they viewed as the representative of the former Mubärak regime. When Mursi prevailed in a tight contest, Täriq al-Zumar called on Christians and other average Egyptians to apologize for their losing vote.426 Despite their developing democratic acceptance, the organization still viewed the struggle for power as a revolutionary contest. But al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya also continued to reflect a new consciousness for unity in the subsequent struggle over the constitution. Amid fierce haggling, the elected parliament selected individuals for a 100-member com mittee to craft Egypt's new charter. Liberals complained vehemently that the fact of an Islamist majority did not grant them the right to dominate the committee. Seeking a modicum of consensus, al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya decided to withdraw its two candidates from consideration, offering they be replaced by non-Islamists. As such they did not participate in writing the constitution.427 4.5 Mobilization The back and forth nature of al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya, simultaneously supporting unity while advocating for revolutionary Islamic change, reflects a dichotomy within the organization concerning 'The Revisions' and their role in an organization moderating between its past and future. In many ways, they held to the past, if not to their association with violence. 4.5.1 Revolutionary Fervor One useful example of this dichotomy is al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya leader ‘Äsim ‘Abd al-Mäjid, a member of the Guidance Council. During the presidency 424 Ibid. 425 Ibid. 426 Al-Misri al-Yawm 2012. 427 Interview with Abü al-Näsr 2013. 121 of Muhammad Mursi, many Islamists saw the 'deep state' or 'remnants of the old regime' working to undermine his authority. Two main culprits were the media and the judiciary, and many Islamist followed the call to conduct sit-in protests at the Egyptian Media Production City and Supreme Constitutional Court in December of 2012. Mursi took no actions against their disruptive presence, but such 'revolutionary' activity made little sense to his opponents who criticized Islamists for behaving as an oppositional force while officially in charge of the nation. Al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya, meanwhile, very conscious of the public skepticism about their new commitment to nonviolence, sought to portray itself as a unifying force, albeit unapologetically Islamic. ‘Abd al-Mäjid, however, wished to continue revolutionary activity, recalls Abü al-Nasr, showing their commitment lied primarily with the energetic youth - of all spectrums - who feared the Mubärak regime was not yet dismantled despite the Mursi presidency. He sought to resign his position in April of 2013 in order not to politically embarrass his organization. As per bylaws, the matter was put to al-Jamä'a al-Islämiyya's general assembly, which rejected his resignation.428 Politics aside, the example of ‘Abd al-Mäjid illustrates the difficulty al- Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya has in mobilization. Leaders like Izzat al-Salamüni admit they suffer a generation gap,429 (and therefore recruiting among the politicized youth would have been useful) so who better to recruit than politicized Muslim youth? But at the same time, they wished to demonstrate their capacity as a mature political entity, and youthful 'excesses' have cost them in the past. Negotiating this balance was not easy, especially coupled with issues tied to their own self-identity. This has two components. As an organization, the leaders of al-Jamä 'a al- Islämiyya view the organization as a middle way between the literalism of Salafis and the pragmatism of the Muslim Brotherhood. The former gets bogged down in religious texts, seeking for justification before they can take any step at all. The latter, meanwhile, readily sets aside religious principle if it suits the needs of their organization. Both are allies, they all sup port the end goal of an Islamic Project. But they choose to walk a path fully consistent with Salafi principles, while being fully engaged in striving to change the political and societal order.430 428 Interview with ‘Ala’Abu al-Nasr 2013. 429 Casper 2013 (c). 430 Interview with ‘Ala’Abu al-Nasr 2013. 122 4.5.2 Nonviolent Advocacy As a political organization, meanwhile, they sought also to be a middle way. A regional leader in Fayyüm, Sharaf al-Din al-Jibäli states they have called themselves 'The Third Current' (al-Tayyär al-Thälith), seeking to praise the president for what he does right, but also say when he does wrong.431 Few examples of the latter, however, were evident in either the press or in conversation. Their greatest effort to mobilize with such balance played into one of al- Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya's greatest strengths - the break from their past. As Presi dent Mursi retreated more into the safety net of his Islamist advisors, primarily after his November 2012 decree elevating his decisions above judicial review, demonstrations against him turned increasingly violent. Some attacked Muslim Brotherhood regional headquarters, and a mysterious group called Black Bloc appeared on the scene in January of 2013, to oppose the Muslim Brotherhood and Mursi-led state.432 In the middle of this controversy, al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya called for a protest on February 15. Labeled 'lä li l- unfal-siyäsf or, 'no to political violence', they issued an invi tation to all political forces to condemn and distance themselves from this violent phenomena of the Black Bloc. Attended largely by Islamists, they attracted a substantial number of non-Islamist revolutionary activists as well. In defense of democratic legitimacy, they put their own legitimacy on the line. "W e have experience down this path," al-Jibäli said to those flirting with violence. "It will only end in bloodshed - avoid it."433 But despite seeking a middle way, al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya, perhaps characteristically, failed. Group leaders appeared on the stage and honored Khälid al-Islämbuli, the assassin of al-Sädät. Täriq al-Zumar even called him a martyr in his subsequent death. Their revolutionary nature - and with it a justification of violence - continued to seep out. Perhaps in terms of mobilization this was for the best? It may not be so. Officially, al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya has foresworn violence, though the absolute nature of this commitment will be examined below. But leaders have complained that today's youth listen to, what they call, 'shaykh Google' more than any traditional leaders, including themselves. Interview with Sharaf al-Din al-Jibäli 2013. Egyptians were calling this group "Black Bloc." I have not heard Egyptians, even in demonstrations, using an Arabic name. Interview with Sharaf al-Din al-Jibäli 2013. 123 Those with a bent towards violence or who experience radicalization can now gravitate easily toward extremists online.434 4.5.3 Joining a Social Islamism Meanwhile, in defining their Islamism simply as an Islamic frame of refer ence, they did nothing distinctive compared with their political rivals. Is lam, said Abü al-Nasr, demands the integration of the religion with all aspects of life, including state, politics, economy, and law. Moreover, this is not deserving of being called 'Islamism', which is a label secularists have forced upon them. It is simply Islam, he said.435 In conversations with the author, leaders were careful to say their oppo nents are also Muslims, keen to avoid the takfir (calling a Muslim an infidel) label associated with extremist groups. But it is a fine line difficult to tread; even if they allow others the name of 'Muslim', in calling their Islam deficient they are sure to make enemies. But in all this, they differ little from the Muslim Brotherhood or Salafis. So why would someone join al-Jamä 'a al- Islämiyya? Back in the 1970s and 80s it was or it seemed to be simpler. They were one of the few to turn Islam into an activist social movement.436 A young man frustrated with the lack of Islamic piety in his life, family, and or society would hear an al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya preacher in a mosque. Inquiring more, local leadership would take him aside, get to know him, and encourage him to attend additional lectures and seminars. Eventually he would be invited to be an active member in the local setting, drafted into al-Jamä 'a al- Islämiyya's commitment for hisba.437 This hisba is understood as described above, but also included assuming the role of reconciliation agents in a community. In the case of a conflict, all too often the state and the law are negligent in setting things straight, or else the judicial process would take years to decide an issue. Instead, villagers would agree to sit before a trusted elder who would pronounce his judgment immediately, in binding fashion. Often, he would receive financial compensation for his service. Abü al-Nasr states they perform this service as volunteers, for the sake of God, and are trusted because of their higher commitment to religion, not 434 Hulsman, Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (a). 435 Interview with ‘Ala’Abü al-Nasr 2013. 436 Meijer 2009,190-1. 437 Casper 2013 (c). 124 just to tradition.438 Other observers testify they often do take a share, and in fact, in the case of local Copts, work in coordination with area thugs to create a dispute and then profit off the settlement.439 True or not, this social role has earned them authority among Muslims especially in Upper Egypt, and adds to their recruitment efforts. 4.5.4 Controversies in M obilizing Practice This status as protectors of community was controversially engaged as Mursi's presidency found itself at odds with the police force. Frustrated with being put on the front lines of protest activity without adequate equipment to protect themselves, police went on strike in a number of loca tions, including al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya areas in Upper Egypt. 4.5.4.1 M ilitias Their response was to organize community policing, but this sent shockwaves through the nationwide media. Rumors were rampant at the time about Islamist militias, and this effort played right into their hands. Furthermore, al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya had sought to lead an insurrection three decades earlier to gain administrative control of the area. This raised the question if instability would now simply hand the region to them? Would hisba become area policy? Leaders consistently denied any intention to form militias, revolutionary guards, or morality-enforcing religious police. At the same time, however, Abü al-Nasr confirmed they rode through the streets on motorcycles, proclaiming that if the police left, "w e are here."440 He denied the detail reported about brandishing swords held aloft in the air.441 But such a perception lasts, and may well be related to their mobilization effort. No matter how 'mature' they sought to present themselves in the po litical arena, they reached out to the masses through their customary ag gressive rhetoric. Perhaps this was due to their background less as statesmen or politicians, as opposed to preachers. 4.5.4.2 Rhetoric for the People A descriptive example of aggressive rhetoric concerns a conference al- Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya held in October 2012 in the Cairo suburb of ‘ Ain Shams, Interview with ‘Ala’Abü al-Nasr 2013. Interview with Mamdüh Sarür 2013. Interview with ‘Ala’Abü al-Nasr 2013. Interview with Mamdüh Sarür 2013. 125 a lower class urban district. During the height of the controversy over the Islamic nature of the constitution, al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya described the efforts of liberals to remove Article Two of the Constitution, which called Islam the religion of the state and the principles of the Shari 'a the main source of leg islation. It was a false claim; there was no organized, consensus effort among non-Islamists to do so, as described in chapter 6. But Äsim ‘Abd al- Majid led the panel discussion, in which one member threatened to defend Shari 'a, even if blood is shed.442 Abü al-Nasr described this simply as a means to communicate with the people at their level. There is a difference between political discourse and popular rhetoric, he said, though both are important and are noncontradictory.443 But to the observer, the difference is clear, leading to wonder which discourse is primary and which is their true face. It certainly called into question their stated commitment to non-violence, an issue which continually haunts them. 4.6 Philosophy One reason for this ongoing issue is the doubt over the sincerity of their commitment to non-violence. While al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya may have given up violence themselves, the Muslim Brotherhood, the Salafis, violent militias in Sinai, and even al-Qä 'ida are all accused of being part of one grand scheme to turn Egypt into an Islamic state. They have simply divided up the different roles between them.444 Such a grand conspiracy can be set aside for more concrete analysis, but it is worth noting this idea is common among anti-Islamists and the security sector.445 The following section will explore al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya’s attitude toward violence. 4.6.1 The Conception of Violence As noted above, 'The Revisions' were both a watershed and controversial moment in the history of al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya. Some observers believed cer tain leadership figures were compelled to agree publicly with the document,446 while others may have done so simply to secure their freedom. ‘Abd al-Äkhir Hammad, reportedly al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya's current spiritual 442 Al-Misri Al-Yawm 2012 (a). 443 Interview with ‘Ala’Abü al-Nasr 2013. 444 Interview with Mamdüh Sarür 2013. 445 Interview with a former security advisor for the government in North Sinai 2013. 446 Interview with Mamdüh Sarür 2013. 126 leader, admits his own reservations, while making clear these do not endorse violence. He also describes how Ibrähim and Zuhdi went too far in interpreting 'The Revisions' to admit Mubärak's status as a Muslim worthy to be obeyed as head of state.447 Abü al-Nasr said these two were not fit for leadership.448 Abü al-Nasr refutes the notion, however, that 'The Revisions' themselves were the cause for the recent shift in leadership. Issäm Darbäla, their pres ident, was one of the key historical leaders involved in their production.449 He also disputes those who believe the entire younger generation, left in prison while many leaders were freed, reject 'The Revisions' entirely.450 The first notion to set aside is that 'The Revisions' were a complete rejection of violence. On the contrary, it recognized the Islamic legitimacy of Jihäd in its violent dimension, but subjected it to consideration of the overall general good and the importance of avoiding civil strife. Furthermore, as a concept, it was restricted to repel a foreign invasion.451 This is similar to one of Hammäd's objections. He stated that the use of vi olence against a Muslim leader who refuses to apply Islamic law is legitimate in theory.452 However, al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya's practical experience led it to commit to nonviolence, as the group's violent struggle increased civil strife and harmed the general good. This helps explain why al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya leaders like Abü al-Nasr continued to honor al-Sädät's assassin, Islämbuli. He must be judged, he insisted, with an appreciation for the context of the time. After the Revolu tion, society opened and it became feasible to change the system without having to resort to violence. In contrast, al-Sädät's regime made this impossible. Islämbuli and al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya did not calculate properly the cost of their rebellion, said Abü al-Nasr, but their intentions were noble.453 Worthy to remember also is al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya's insistence that the secu rity forces took the fight to them. Their initial goals were to be a revolutionary social movement, not an armed insurrection. Many times their vi olence was mixed up with the retaliatory culture of Upper Egypt, as mem bers were drawn into family, tribal, and community disputes. Leaders told 447 Ibid. 448 Interview with ‘Ala’Abü al-Nasr 2013. 449 Ibid. 450 Interview with Mamdüh Sarür 2013. 451 Meijer 2009, 215. 452 Hulsman, Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (a). 453 Interview with ‘Ala’Abü al-Nasr 2013. 127 stories of traveling extensively to stop younger members from engaging in violence, whereas it flared in areas unable to be reached in time. Often leaders watched from prison in disbelief.454 Taken together with the above, al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya wishes to maintain an ideological acceptance of violence as a means of change, while severely restricting its application. Perhaps this is also from necessity, the group no longer had much capacity to act violently. But a close observer with thorough familiarity of al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya was convinced the leadership has moved on from their violent past and embraces instead the new possibilities of the Egyptian Revolution.455 4.6.2 The Conception of Democracy and Shürä Despite their past ambivalence, even rejection, these new possibilities included a practical democracy. Democracy, however, has to be introduced along with an arguably similar Islamic concept, i.e. shürä. Shürä means 'consultation', and has long been suggested by modernizing Muslims as an equivalent of democracy and re ligiously legitimate bridge by which to import an otherwise Western model of governance. Its traditional usage, comprising consultation only, howev er, worried many Egyptians hopeful the January 25 Revolution would turn the state into a true and open democracy. In Article Six of the 2012 constitution, Egypt's political system was said to be based on the principles of democracy and shürä, as if they are different, though no difference is elaborated upon. Some believed the word was added only to placate the Salafis, who were distraught over other articles such as those giving sovereignty to the people, and not to God. But something else may have been intended. Al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya shared this concern over the issue of sovereignty with the Salafis, and rejects de mocracy as un-Islamic, even if they accept(ed) it in practice.456 Abü al-Nasr explained that the traditional caliphate is the ideal Muslim system of gov ernment, even if it is not yet achievable in reality.457 Moreover, he added that this ideal includes the theological belief that God has given the ruler all authority. It is within the ruler's remit, however, to delegate his authority to others, such as judges. Islamic history, he ex plained, is full of examples where a judge decided against the ruler, but he 454 Hulsman. Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (a) 455 Ibid. 456 Ibid. 457 Interview with‘Ala’Abü al-Nasr 2013. 128 did so only within the authority designated by him. The separation of pow ers is not an Islamic idea, but it does not violate Sharl'a458 A similar delegation could be seen with the legislative branch, though troubles may begin to emerge here. Shürä intends for the ruler to listen to all perspectives on a given issue, Abü al-Nasr explained, but the ruler alone is constituted to take the final decision. If he does not listen he opens up grounds for his removal by the people, but it is assumed he will judge wisely among the options presented him. A legislature, however, does not present the ruler with options - it codifies the law. So while Abü al-Nasr believes such a democracy may be the closest of all systems to shürä, it does not equal it. Much is shared between the two, such as the principle of rotation of power. But democracy may be acceptable as a means to eventually get to shürä. Until it does, he said, it must be limited by God's law. The parliament in a democracy is also deficient because it allows for the collection of representatives to allow the transgression of Shari'a. Shürä as an Islamic system will never permit this; it serves as a ceiling to the authority of the people to legislate as they wish. It also includes the hudüd punishments such as cutting off the hand of a thief. God is the merciful one, Abü al-Nasr explained, and his system is always more merciful than man's, even if we cannot comprehend it.459 Drevon noted that however much al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya still holds to the idea that democracy is at least sub-Islamic, they do accept it in practice.460 The example given is of their own internal elections, which resulted in a transfer of leadership.461 Closer examination, however, moderates this understanding. Abü al-Nasr explained that al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya does not have a culture of nominating oneself for a position. Instead, each member puts forward 5-10 names he has confidence in, and these are debated together, with the most agreeable chosen.462 By appearances, these are chosen by election, and indeed Ibrähim technically qualified for the Guidance Council in the ninth position. But Abü al-Nasr 458 Ibid. 459 Ibid. 460 Hulsman, Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (a). 461 Ibid. 462 Interview with ‘Ala’Abu al-Nasr 2013. 129 chose to distinguish this process from democracy, which has a culture of competition.463 What does this mean for their political vision for Egypt? Did the mention of shürä in the constitution suggest some sort of communal selection of an allpowerful leader? These details are not spelled out so conclusively, but they do reflect the ultimate vision of al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya. Additionally, however much al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya does intend to help establish a modern, Islamic democracy, this message is not getting down to their people. At the 'No to Political Violence' protest, one of their partisans declared their entrance into the political system was simply the jurisprudence of reality. "If the people want ballot boxes," he said, "w e will use them."464 He then smiled, recognizing the weight of his words to a foreigner, and said, "N o, the ballot box will stay. But I know our people and they are religious. They will choose us."465 4.7 Conclusion The protestor's confidence has proved unfounded. Massive protests in June and early July of 2013 demanded early elections to replace the Islamist pres ident Muhammad Mursi, and though such a demonstration does not serve to predict the outcome of future electoral contests, it is clear the religious nature of Egyptians is not sufficient to ensure the success of political Islam. So far, al-Jamä'a al-Islämiyya has held to their commitment of nonviolence,466 at least in denial. When security forces forcibly removed pro- Mursi sit-in protests, a wave of retaliatory violence struck the Coptic com munity, especially in Upper Egypt, burning their churches and assaulting their homes and shops.467 It was reminiscent of the worst 'excesses' al- Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya (in the 1970s and 1980s), at least one of their more conciliatory leaders, has since apologized for.468 Immediately, al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya distanced itself from the attacks, condemning them completely.469 Such denials were widely suspected in the 463 Ibid. 464 Interview with Muhammad Ahmad 2013. 465 Ibid. 466 Ahram Online 2013 (i). 467 Hulsman 2013 (c). 468 ‘ Amr al-Misri 2012. 469 Mada Masr 2013. 130 press, however, as a public cover to escape responsibility, either of the spontaneous action of their supporters or worse, a pre-planned expression of revenge. Media reports placed Äsim ‘Abd al-Mäjid inDaljah, al-Minyä, 300 kilometers south of Cairo, where Islamists had displaced local police and taken over the village, abusing Copts in the process.470 Whether or not this accusation is true, rumors abound, and they are likely to remain with al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya in the foreseeable future. If many doubted their true intentions during a period of openness, these are likely to increase during a time of public crackdown on Islamists. What is more to be feared is if this crackdown results in pushing al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya once again to violence. Early indications suggest in both capaci ty and in commitment to 'The Revisions', the leadership does not welcome such a return. Instead, they will publically reject this 'coup' through non violent protests only. Their answer could be imagined such: Even if the ac tions of the military to remove Mursi subject them to overthrow according to Islamic law, the resulting social price of a return to violence makes this option untenable. At least, this is their imagined answer, one which would be spoken to a foreigner or to the press. Whether or not they can control their recently affiliated youth, or whether or not they wish to, is another matter. Given their history, it is only fitting such suspicions remain. Should they prove themselves truly, even in the midst of adversity, it will be a great de velopment for Egypt. 470 Kirkpatrick 2013 (a). 131 5 Non-Political Islamists: The Jihadi Salafis and the Situation in Sinai (Jayson Casper) 5.1 Introduction The Egyptian Revolution of January 25, 2011 sought 'bread, freedom and social justice'471 for all. It resulted in a political system opened to all, by which these revolutionary goals were to be achieved. Benefiting most from the opening were Islamists, such as the Muslim Brotherhood and previously quietist Salafis, who had been largely excluded from the political process. They went on to win majorities in parliament, the presidency, and a consti tutional referendum giving primacy of place to Shari 'a. However, some Is lamists were not satisfied with this process, as will be described in this chapter. A first challenge was that for years many Islamists, outside the Muslim Bro therhood in particular, were reared on the idea that democracy itself runs counter to Shari 'a and the Islamic system. Egypt's Salafi parties were able to navigate this challenge and unexpectedly won a quarter of the seats in par liament, as mentioned in chapter 4. In what was hailed as 'the battle of the ballot box', Salafis mobilized the religiously conservative population by promising that democracy was the means by which God's law would be established. All that was necessary was to outvote the others. However, some Islamists viewed voting as opportunism and a betrayal of Islam. A small number rallied around the dogmatic positions of the jihädi Salafis in rejecting democracy and with it the so-labeled hypocritical Islam ists who agreed to play within this system. Most, however, paid them little attention as the Islamist tide was rising by peaceful means. A second challenge was geographic. Contrasting with this peacefulness was the status of Sinai, which tied in well to fears associated with the selfappellation of 'jihadist' in this rejectionist faction. The buffer region be tween the Suez Canal and Israel was considered a wild terrain of Bedouins, armed groups, and criminals, tied into the illicit tunnel economy to Gaza ruled by Hamas. In this regional context, a democratic opening meant little. These two challenges, ideological and geographical, can arguably be con nected, since both could have had the potential to destabilize the nascent democracy. The jihädi Salafis posed a threat to the participatory Islamists' right flank, who were already uncertain about 'democracy'. President Mursi's own democratic credentials and commitments canbe debated, but In Arabic,' 'Aysh, hurriya, 'adäla ijtimä 'iyya.' 133 unless he assured Salafis that democratic gains would indeed lead to the triumph of Shari'a, he would risk splitting his strongest supporting constituency. Nevertheless, the more he leaned on them as allies, especially following his presidential decree in November 2012 to set his decisions above judicial review, the more he alienated the rest of the electorate, who accused him constantly of being sectarian and of having a religious, not democratic, agenda. Meanwhile, armed entities in the Sinai posed a different threat. Criminal groups engaged in drug or human trafficking were one thing, while other militant groups were dedicated only to the cause of Palestine. But the presence of jihadists who might potentially target the state became a security issue. As weapons proliferated following the fall of Mu ammar al-Qaddäfi in Libya, Mursi, with many Islamists, tried to reason with the inhabitants of Sinai, seeking to inculcate them against a violent ideology. But opponents accused him of being soft on terrorism, giving cover to militant Islamists he might secretly be aligned with. And if jihadists carried out an attack in Si nai, he appeared unable to govern the nation he presided over. For indeed, there were attacks, both before and after he was deposed as president. During the period of military transitional governance, the pipe line supplying gas to Israel was bombed at least fifteen times before Mursi's election. However, the first attack of note thereafter actually resulted in the cementing of his power. On August 5,2012, sixteen soldiers were killed as militants commandeered their vehicles and crossed the border into Israel, where they also were subsequently killed. On August 12 President Mursi responded by sacking leading military brass and thereby attempted to establish civilian control over the army. Nevertheless by May 2013, another attack called Mursi's leadership into question. A number of soldiers were kidnapped by militants, though negotiations eventually led to their release. In both cases, mystery continued to surround the perpetrators, who were never brought to formal justice. In stead, Egyptian military operations continued in the area, as conspiracies circled from both sides. Some Egyptians suspected Islamists in the Sinai precipitated the crisis to give Mursi the space to remove aging military lea dership. Islamists, meanwhile, wondered if intelligence links to militant groups were working to make trouble for the president.472 The threat from Sinai to the new democratic system was never direct, but along with a deteriorating security situation many felt nostalgia for the stability offered before the Revolution. Following the deposing of Mursi, a new wave of violence sprang from the Sinai, as will be described below. From frequent conversations with ordinary Egyptians during this period. 134 Noteworthy here is the comment of a leading Muslim Brother, Muhammad al-Biltäji, that this insurrection would stop the moment Mursi returned to power.473 Biltäji's statement a minute earlier on YouTube insisted the Muslim Bro therhood did not control the situation in Sinai, but his comment fueled all the speculation otherwise. Even if they had no direct control, due to the shared end goal of an Islamic state, the Muslim Brotherhood was suspected of coordination with jihädi Salafis and jihadists proper. But if not, as was consistently denied, this jihadism threatened the democratic aspirations of Islamism in general, providing justification for critics who wished to see Mursi removed from power. This chapter will explore both of these challenges, of the political but nonparticipatory jihädi Salafis and the apoliticism of groups in the Sinai. It is based on interviews with Ahmad ‘ Ashüsh, a leader in the jihädi-Salafis, Je rome Drevon, a researcher who has spent considerable time with jihadists, Ismail Alexanderni, a socio-political researcher with years of experience conducting field work in the Sinai, and a former security advisor for the government, a general with extensive experience in North Sinai. 5.2 Jihädi Salafis and Ideological Non-Participation The "jihädi Salafi" sobriquet is both descriptive and misleading. The misleading aspect comes in their use of Jihäd, which conjures among many im ages of terrorism at worst and violent insurrection at best.474 As will be seen, the use of violent rhetoric was not absent from their discourse, but since jihädi Salafis appeared on the public scene post- Revolution and continued through the presidency of Mursi, they claimed to have focused exclusively on preaching and arguing the rightness of their cause.475 As will be seen below, this claim is contested. 5.2.1 Restoring Jihäd and Shari'a The movement's cause, however, includes a full restoration of the concept of Jihäd as an essential feature of Islam, which they describe in militant terms.476 In this their name is usefully descriptive. Unlike the participatory 473 AlKaheraWalNasTV 2013. 474 For many Muslims, of course, jihäd refers primarily to the struggle against the self in submission to God. The concept of jihäd can be used in many different ways. See Anwar 2007. 475 Hulsman, Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (a). 476 Anwar 2007. 135 Salafis who have adopted at least the tools of democracy and thus implicitly the world system that accompanies it, these jihädi Salafis have demanded nothing less than the triumph of Islam and the resurrection of its birthright as the leading influence in the world, as it was in the first three generations (salaf) following the Prophet Muhammad. As one of their followers noted, "Is there any Salafism without Jihäd?"477 The Salafis and Muslim Brotherhood may have believed they were aiding Islam in their ascent to power, but according to jihädi-Salafis, they were playing the wrong game.478 They believed, actually, that the Brotherhood was working in cooperation with America, cares nothing about Shari 'a, and was concerned only for their own power.479 ‘ Ashüsh argued in 2013 that: The Muslim Brotherhood do not strive to implement or enforce the Shari'a; the Muslim Brotherhood organization is solely committed to hold on to and evolve around power. In fact, to hold onto power is the main objective of the Muslim Brotherhood, and eventually they neglect values and religious doctrines for the sake of pragmatic considerations.480 With regard to the participatory Salafis, the jihädi Salafis were slightly more generous, but it was the connection to America and the West that compromised them all. Democracy, jihädi Salafis understand, means placing sovereignty in the hands of the people, while they say that for a Muslim, sovereignty must be for God alone. Any movement away from this is hypocrisy and error.481 The cause of jihäd, therefore, is not one of wanton violence. It is the firm commitment to not give way to a world system imposed on Muslim peoples around the world. It is a rejection of what they believed to be imperialism proper, but also of cultural and intellectual imperialism which is far more insidious. A foreign army can be repelled, but foreign ideology can seep into the consciousness of unwary individuals and families.482 "The Egyptian people have been brain-washed," contends."483 A chief example of these effects caused by imperialism was witnessed in the behavior of the Muslim Brotherhood and Salafis, explain jihädi-Salafis. As these Islamists campaigned for office, they often spoke to assuage the people - and the 477 Interview with Ashraf 2013. 478 Hulsman and Casper 2016 479 Ibid. 480 Ibid. 481 Ibid. 482 Ibid. 483 Ibid. 136 West - that they were interested only in the 'gradual application' of Shari 'a. This rhetoric asserted that political freedom had to be achieved, the econo my set right, and only then would Shari'a make sense in its entirety. When all is done well in the name of Islam, people will welcome Shari 'a with open arms, and its oft-maligned hudud punishments of cutting off hands would never need to be applied.484 During this period, ‘Ashüsh explained that Our major concern now is to achieve a change in thought and mentality. Our struggle as Salafi-Jihädis is to first change the Egyptian mentality that has been strongly afflicted by the corrupt media structure, the treacherous liberal politics that had succeeded to systematically distort the people's thought. Our goal is to bring back the authenticity of [Islamic] thought to the people, to disclose the truth, to revive in them the power of their belief.485 For jihädi-Salafis, God has made Shari 'a - hudüd and all - as part of his mercy, aspects of which can be set aside in times of poverty. But to be set aside means that as a system it has already been established. Thus, to say Shari'a will be applied 'gradually' is to accept the terms of debate set by the West, as it tries to define what proper Islam looks like, for its own interests. Jihädi Salafis saw this foreign ideology deforming the concept of jihäd itself. Muslims have allowed the West to limit its meaning to a defensive war against an invading power. Jihäd, however, is, in their view, far more powerful a concept. Islam is God's system of justice; it is a code of ethics, eco nomics, and politics that will put the world right. Jihäd, as God intends it, is a way to right the wrongs of the world and end the idolatry of man enthroning man's law. As ‘Ashüsh claimed, Jihäd is an ongoing religious duty to maintain our religion, Islam. There are different kinds of jihäd; one kind is the struggle against oneself (nafs), the strife to inform people on the truth of Islam, or an outer struggle, the jihäd of the sword. It depends on what efforts would fit best according to situation and location as well.486 Of course this necessitates violence, but it is more appropriately labeled as power.487 This intellectual warfare from the West has also convinced Muslims that democracy is consistent with Islam, that they can recapture some of their lost glory in adopting these forms. But according to jihädi-Salafis, there are 484 Ibid. 485 Ibid. 486 Ibid. 487 Ibid. 137 three legitimate means to achieve power. The first is simply to seize it, which becomes justified if the Shari'a is applied. Once a Shari 'a-based state is established, the other two means follow. First, the leader may bequeath his authority to someone else. Or, and this is pre ferred, the consensus of approved scholars give their indication of approval. These scholars would assert themselves, and be recognized as such by the population, but the source of their formal or informal authority was not otherwise explained.488 Jihädi Salafis find that the participatory Salafis fell into a trap. By running for parliament they believed they could ensure the priority of Shari 'a in the constitution. In the end, in their interpretation, a constitution was produced which was influenced equally, if not more, by non-Islamists opposed to the rule of Islam. This flawed document then became the basis for the authority of a supposedly Islamist president. Mursi bound himself to guard both this constitution and the law, but the 'true' Muslim leader, they believe, must bind himself only to the Qur 'än and the Sunna. From ‘ Ashüsh's perspective, their hypocrisy and error were apparent. "Mursi declared himself a secularist ruler who rules according to positive law and the constitution," he said, "contrary to the Muslim ruler who declares Shari'a in accordance with the Qur'än and Sunna. Mursi is a constitutional ruler, but not a legitimate one."489 5.2.2 How to Restore Jihäd and Shari a When focusing on jihädi-Salafis' vision, the question of the means to achieve it arises. Here they exhibit less clarity. As one of their primary spokesmen, ‘Ashüsh, presented two somewhat odd comparisons to Hitler and to the American neo-conservative foreign policy establishment. As leaders of the movement, he said, jihädi Salafis intend to speak clearly and never compromise, positing that "earthly matters are negotiable, beliefs are not to be bargained."490 On the one hand this would win the respect of the people, causing them to rise to power like Hitler during a moment of national crisis. On the other hand, their rhetoric would set the tone for both national and pan- Islamic policy, like the American neo-conservatives ruling without actually being 'elected'.491 But how will it happen? 488 Interview with Ashraf 2013. 489 Hulsman and Casper 2016. 490 Ibid. 491 Ibid. 138 They have been deliberately vague. Jihädi Salafis have asserted a wide following but give no evidence of it. They claimed no organizational structure and insisted they carry no weapons. Their jihäd, spoken of during the pe riod of Mursi's presidency, was described as only intellectual and psychological. Perhaps it is the latter that made them appear wild-eyed. For example, they approve of al-Qä 'ida, supported the attacks of September 11, in 2001492 and in 2012, when the American ambassador to Libya was killed in Benghazi. These are demonstrations of power, ‘Ashüsh explained, showing the West they will resist their world dominance.493 He stated that they "w ill never cede to any form of domination, whether intellectual or military."494 But at the same time, one of their leading figures, Muhammad al-Zawähiri, the brother of al-Qä 'ida leader Ayman al-Zawähiri, publicly offered a truce to 'the W est', in which all attacks would stop in exchange for the withdrawal of all armies from Muslim territory and non-interference in their affairs.495 Until then, however, resistance movements, incorrectly la beled 'terrorism', will continue and receive the moral and material support of the jihädi-Salafis.496 However, analysts believe that they had very little support in Egypt or even among Islamic militants elsewhere, such as in Afghanistan or Iraq. They could neither enforce a truce497 nor guide operations.498 On the whole their rhetoric was a show, offered to the media as a platform to showcase their views. Political Islamists who were asked about the jihädi Salafis disavowed them and claim ignorance of their movement.499 Yet others find jihädi Salafi leaders to be heroes, and furthermore, closely linked with public figures of political Islam.500 The security sector asserted the same.501 Muhammad Jamäl al-Käshif, a leading jihädi Salafi figure, is in prison in Egypt due to his connection with the Benghazi attack on the American consulate in September 2012. ‘Ashüsh denied he was involved, additionally absolving another jihädi Salafi figure, Ädil Shahäta, of being linked to the 492 Interview with Ashraf 2013. 493 Hulsman and Casper 2016. 494 Ibid. 495 Egypt Independent 2012 (f). 496 Hulsman and Casper 2016. 497 E-mail exchange with Khalil al-Anani 2013. 498 Interview with Ismail Alexanderni 2013. 499 Interview with Sharaf al-Din al-Jibäli 2013. 500 Interview with ‘Abd al-Bäsit al-Fashni 2013. 501 Interview with a security advisor to the Egyptian government 2013. 139 militants in Sinai.502 But he did not deny their status as jihädi-Salafis, nor did he condemn the attacks. Was their 'jihäd', therefore, in fact violent, actual, and underway? Analyzing this question demands a closer look at the reali ties of Sinai. 5.3 Bedouins, Jihadis, and Geographical Non-Participation Though military opinion runs contrary,503 many observers note the Sinai is a region of economic neglect among the Bedouin.504 The population of North Sinai, where most militant activity is located, is estimated between 350.000 and 400,000, of which 130,000 to 200,000 are Bedouin.505 The rest are predominantly transplanted residents of the Nile Valley, who come to work as doctors, teachers, and government employees, and live exclusively in the region's cities.506 There is also a small but influential number of descendants of the former ruling Mamluk class deposed and massacred by Muhammad ‘Ali in the 19th Century. These are of Turkish and Eastern European origin and live primarily along the Sinai-Israel border.507 The economic neglect has been due to the state's policy of treating the re gion - especially its Bedouin elements - as a security matter.508 This policy is explained by factors such as being on the border with Israel, being home to a traditional tribal community that resists modern notions of citizenship, and being a vast, underpopulated area of difficult terrain easing the flight and hideout of criminals and militants alike. However, the sometimes harsh and arbitrary behavior of the state has increased the local population's resentments, as they resist governmental coercion. 5.3.1 The Security Sector and Bedouin Tribes State policy adopted the strategy of working closely with the tribes. But this strategy has also contributed to dividing the Bedouin and engendered so cial instability among them, as the tribal code has weakened. The Commit tee of Tribal Affairs, based in the Sinai, is staffed entirely by security fig- 502 Hulsman and Casper 2016. 503 Interview with a security advisor to the Egyptian government 2013. 504 Eleiba 2013. 505 Higher estimates are from Balanga 2012, lower estimates are from an interview with a security advisor to the Egyptian government 2013. 506 Interview with a security advisor to the Egyptian government 2013. 507 Interview with Ismail Alexanderni 2013. 508 Ibid. 140 ures, with no Bedouin participation.509 Furthermore, the police bypassed the traditional route of leadership selection by appointing the head of each tribe, resulting in some rejecting him while others profit from his privileged access to resources and influence.510 A further source of social disruption came from the state's unofficial policy of promoting a tunnel economy with Gaza. Allowing these tunnels had several advantages. It facilitated Egypt's image as a supporter of the Palestinian cause, gave a political pressure point with which to influence both Israel and Hamäs,511 and greased the wheel of corruption while providing both economic opportunity for and leverage with the Bedouin community. At its height during the Israeli operation in Gaza in 2009, a rented tunnel would gain $30,000 per day,512 and provide exorbitant profits for traded goods and smuggling alike.513 The rapid development of this industry naturally contributed to competition between Sinai actors. Informal spheres of influence were divided so that the ten families of Mamluk descendants who reside on the border 'own' the tunnels, the Bedouins control the routes of access, and the Nile Valley residents participate in shipping and handling. However, among the Bedouins some profited more than others, while others have pushed the boundaries with drugs, weapons, and human trafficking.514 As a result, while a tribal code still exists, tribal leaders find it difficult to take and enforce consensus measures. The al-M inä‘i family of the Sawärka tribe provided an example. Ibrähim al- Minä'i was the tribal leader of a divided clan. He and his son, Khalaf, were killed by unknown militants upon returning from a tribal conference to take a decision on how to deal with increasing militancy.515 Khalaf suggested each tribe arm itself through popular committees to pacify its area, and turn over any of its members involved in militancy. Meanwhile, Ibrähim described his own brother as a member in a jihädi group. While security la beled this brother the operational leader of local jihädis,516 an analyst described him as a cousin, and not a jihädi at all but rather a human trafficker newly associated with a rejectionist strand of Islam, and in fact, likely an 509 Interview with Ismail Alexanderni 2013. 510 Interview with a security advisor to the Egyptian government 2013. 511 Ibid. 512 Interview with Ismail Alexanderni 2013. 513 El-Rashidi 2012 (b). 514 Interview with Ismail Alexanderni 2013. 515 Reuters 2013. 516 Interview with a security advisor to the Egyptian government 2013. 141 informant for the intelligence apparatus.517 Such confusion did not aid proper understanding of the Sinai. From the security perspective, this confused situation is tied directly not only to jihädi groups culminating in al-Qä 'ida, but also to the larger Islamist movement. Muslim Brotherhood deputy leader Khayrat al-Shätir was, ac cording to a security source, stated to be one of the chief beneficiaries of the tunnel economy, with his group coordinating between all in common pursuit of an Islamic state.518 After the Revolution in particular, the Muslim Brotherhood are said to have divided up roles, in which jihädis play the 'useful' part, according to a security source. Their role is to scare the liberals and assure the West that Islamists alone are able to keep militants in line. The many visits paid by Muslim Brothers519 and Salafi shaykhs520 to the Sinai gave evidence to an effort - officially to combat violent ideologies - to synchronize operations.521 Either way, it appeared that there was a level of success in pacifying the area was achieved, at least up until the deposing of Mursi.522 However, Mursi's policy may not have been a success at all. The security source says that, although President Mursi made it seem like he was authorizing military operations against militants, he was actually preventing them behind the scenes.523 Mursi much preferred the delegations of dialogue, some of which were presidential,524 and promised a new era of devel opment in Sinai. But all the while, the aforementioned jihädi Salafis are said to have carried instructions to the up to 10,000 jihädis,525 who were organized by Ramzi Muwäfi, the former medical doctor of Usäma bin Lädin.526This is not analysis, the security source said, but intelligence. Analysis may give a more balanced view. This requires a deeper delineation of militancy in the Sinai. 517 Interview with Ismail Alexanderni 2013. 518 Interview with a security advisor to the Egyptian government 2013. 519 Al-Monitor 2012. Egypt Independent 2012 (e). Interview with a security advisor to the Egyptian government 2013. 522 Pelham 2012. 523 Interview with a security advisor to the Egyptian government 2013. 524 Associated Press 2012. 525 Interview with a security advisor to the Egyptian government 2013. 526 Ahram Online 2011 (a); Fahmy, M. 2013. 142 520 521 5.3.2 M ilitancy in the Sinai Before describing the militancy during this period, however, its forerunners are necessary to understand. Takfiri groups were formed in the 1970s as a breakaway from the Muslim Brotherhood. Their name desig nates 'excommunication', i.e. the process of calling someone an infidel. Seeing Egyptian society as un-Islamic, these groups decided to withdraw from it and live a 'pure' Islamic existence in community in the desert.527 Some groups turned violent, such as al-Tawhid wa-l-Jihäd, which bombed Sinai resorts each year from 2005 to 2007.528 Most so-called takfiri groups, however, were not violent, according to researcher Alexanderni. Quite the opposite, as they live apart from others and believe they must await a new caliph before being able to establish a full Islamic society. Those who engage in violence are generally associated either with criminal activity or regional intelligence networks promoting chaos and instability.529 Even ideologically, violent militant groups have not traditionally focused on Egypt. Their presence and activity in the Sinai is instead directed at Israel. Bedouins in general do not recognize the borders between Egypt and Israel which were drawn ignoring their living quarters, and most view Israelis as occupiers of Muslim land. Bedouin residents of Sinai are thus more than happy to provide refuge to those who work against Israel, and consider them heroes.530 Of the four major militant groups, the two strongest, Ansär Bayt al-Maqdis and Majlis Shürä al-M ujähidinfi A knäfBayt al-Maqdis, fit the description of being anti-Israeli. The former, however, was thereafter radicalized. Outraged at the dispersal of the pro-Mursi sit-in in Nasr City, Cairo, but especially at the killing of their members at the hands of Israeli and Egyp tian 'aggression', they took on the activity of terrorists, Alexanderni said. He further asserted that their attempted assassination of the minister of the interior on September 5,2013 could have painted them as rebels, but in announcing the targeting also of journalists and television presenters, they exceed all limits of sympathy.531 527 Fahmy,M. 2011. 528 Ashour 2013. 529 Interview with Ismail Alexanderni 2013. 530 Ibid. 531 Ibid. 143 The other two groups are the confusingly named jihädi Salafis and the remnants of al-Tawhid wa-l-Jihäd. These groups did not display the opera tional capacity nor the communication sophistication of those above. But despite any sharing of nomenclature, none of these militants had connec tions with jihädi-Salafis532 or political Islamists outside the Sinai or elsewhere, Alexanderni stated.533 And while Alexanderni believed there is ideological connection with al-Qä 'ida, he also contended there are no established relationships between them. Even among themselves, militant groups have been fiercely independent - as well as clandestine. Jihädis, as they have been targeted by the state do not tend to associate with others, he said, and are unknown even by their own families. A major figure in the formerly violent, turned participatory Islamist group, al-Jamä 'a al- Islämiyya, who Alexanderni said preferred not to be named, demonstrated almost no knowledge of the realities of the Sinai.534 If anything, the accusations of Mursi's accommodation of jihädis should be seen in reverse. The high profile visit of Salafi leader Yäsir Burhämi - accompanied by an intelligence officer - resulted in jihädi threats, and neither coordination nor placation. They warned the state that the authorities may know about us here in Sinai, but they do not know what we have in Cairo or Alexandria, conveyed Alexanderni. To signal their strength, they gave a tip which resulted in a raiding of a terrorist cell in Nasr City, as it was not of their own organization.535 Information in this raid led to the linking of the alleged, having been arrested for coordinating the attack on Benghazi.536 While security signaled up to about 10,000 militants in Sinai, they estimate only about 350 of these are Bedouin - and they are known to the intelli gence apparatus.537Alexanderni numbered the total as no more than a few thousand, and perhaps only hundreds.538Analyst Omar Ashour, Visiting Fellow at the Brookings Doha Center, however, said the number is no more than in the tens.539 532 Drevon 2014. 533 Al-Monitor 2012. 534 Interview with Ismail Alexanderni 2013. 535 Ibid. 536 Fahmy, M. 2013. 537 Interview with a security advisor to the Egyptian government 2013. 538 Interview with Ismail Alexanderni 2013. 539 Ashour 2013. 144 5.3.3 Local Political Islam ism More influential than militant groups, however, were the Salafi associations that had begun to replace traditional tribal allegiances. Abü Faysal for instance had been a Salafi Shari'a court judge in al-‘Arish, heading one of fourteen established but unofficial courts for dispute resolution in the Sinai. Bedouins have always had their internal methods of tribal justice, but as the state weakened, their traditional code alongside an increasingly absent pub lic justice sector since the Revolution, more and more have been turning to religious solutions.540 Abü Faysal is a veteran of al-Tawhid wa-l-Jihäd, but as security cracked down upon his group following their bombing campaign, he joined the wing which revised its ideology in prison and adopted Salafi ways in Ahl al- Sunna wa-l-Jamä 'a (roughly translated as 'Those of the Prophet's way and group'). In September 2013 he conducted a symbolic trial of General al-Sisi of the Egyptian army, pronouncing a sentence of execution. He also rejoiced in the fact that since the Revolution Shari 'a has been the effective law of the Sinai, and longed for the day it will be the law of the state.541 Security estimated the number of religious but not armed Salafis such as Abü Faysal are between 5,000 and 7,000,542 but their influence may be much wider. By contrast, the influence of the Muslim Brotherhood in Sinai has been ra ther limited. They have almost no presence in eastern Sinai and find sup port only among urbanites hailing originally from the Nile Valley.543 A diversity of political allegiance can be found among this community, but as a whole, the region is geographically distant and politically marginalised. Such is the nature of a desert and a social system dominated by tribal reali ties. 5.4 Conclusion As has been noted, the information presented on both the jihädi Salafis and realities in Sinai is deeply sensitive and contested. The former appeared on the margin of the political scene, which they pulled to the Islamist right. On the one hand, they portended ill for safety and stability as they are linked to an armed form of the Jihäd they insisted was nonviolent, but very confrontational. 540 Revkin 2013. 541 Ashour 2013. 542 Interview with a security advisor to the Egyptian government 2013. 543 Interview with Ismail Alexanderni 2013. 145 On the other hand, however, this could have been the tarnishing of al- Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya by state security and the intelligence apparatus, a sector prominently involved among the latter described groups in the Sinai as well. Amid discontent Bedouins resided a limited number of armed socalled jihädis, whose aims are not always clear. The recent turn against the Egyptian police and armed forces, mostly in Sinai but creeping elsewhere, bodes negatively for Egypt's future. Even before this, the situation in Sinai was hardly conducive to the establishment of a participatory democracy. These issues may be on the periphery of the major changes going on in Egypt. After all, both radical ideology and militant Islamism have been present in Egypt for decades. In the Sinai it was mostly left to fester, while the state cracked down upon its spectre in Upper Egypt. But unless they are dealt with in transparency by the state, media, liberals, and Islamists alike, the positive transformation of socio-political dynamics is bound to stall. The full integration of Sinai's residents is one of Egypt's many ongoing challenges, among its most entrenched and difficult. 146 6 Non-Islamist Political Actors in Egypt (Nicholas Gjorvad) 6.1 Introduction While previous chapters in this book have primarily concentrated on politi cal parties and movements classified as Islamist, this chapter will focus on their non-Islamist counterparts. Specifically, this chapter will identify the core beliefs and strategies of non-Islamist parties and movements during the rule of Muhammad Mursi. The observations in this chapter come both before and directly after the massive protests of June 30,2013, which eventually led to the ouster of Mursi, causing a rapid succession of political turmoil. With this in mind, this chapter will focus on the overall trend of the non-Islamist current since the Egyptian Revolution of 2011 until August 2013. 6.2 Defining non-Islamist Groups in Egypt In discussing non-Islamists, the distinction between non-Islamist political parties and non-Islamist movements will be made. During the rule of Mursi in 2012-2013, non-Islamist political parties largely coalesced under the umbrella group, National Salvation Front, which was formed after former President Muhammad Mursi's controversial Constitutional decree made in November of 2012. Political parties and movements in this group include the Hizb al-Dustür (Constitution Party), Hizb al-Tahälufal-Sha 'bi Al-Ishtiräki (Socialist Popular Alliance Party), Hizb al-Misri al-Dimüqräti al-Ijtimä 'i (So cial Democratic Party), Al-Tayyär al-Sha 'bi al-Misri (Egyptian Popular Cur rent), Hizb al-Misriyyin al-Ahrär (Free Egyptians Party), Hizb al-Wafd al-Jadid (the New al-Wafd Party544), Hizb al-Karäma (Dignity Party), Hizb Misr al- Hurriyya (Freedom Egypt Party), Hizb al-Tajjamu '(National Progressive Un ionist Party), and Hizb al-Mu 'tamar (Congress Party) as well as many oth ers.545 Muhammad al-Barada‘i (Constitution Party), Hamdin Sabahi (Egyp tian Popular Current), and ‘ Amr Müsa (Congress Party) have served as the most visible leaders of the National Salvation Front (NSF). Non-Islamist political movements will refer to three main groups. Two of the older movements are the April 6 and Kifäya movements, the former 544 The 'New al-Wafd Party' will be referred to as 'al-Wafd Party' in this chapter. The label 'New al-Wafd Party' is used to differentiate the party from the pre-1952 al- Wafd Party. 545 Ahram Online 2012 (e). 147 which has a significant following and is well-known among Egyptians. Another major movement which is widely supported by non-Islamists is the Tamarrud movement, which came to the forefront during the run-up to the June 30th protests. This movement, which means "Rebellion" in English, was supported by many non-Islamist political parties and finds strong sup port from groups involved in the NSF.546 As we will see, while there has been significant cooperation between non-Islamist parties and movements, there is an underlying tension between these groups. While the debate surrounding the term Islamist was mentioned in previous chapters, it is helpful to briefly define how the terms Islamist and non Islamist will be used in this chapter. For the purposes of this chapter, the term Islamist will refer to political groups which seek to enact a comprehensive version of Islam and Shari 'a to all aspects of governance and actively use religion to promote their political ambitions. The term non-Islamist describes groups that believe there is a degree of separation between reli gion and the functions of government and are mostly against any use of re ligion in electoral politics. Generally, parties labeled as leftist, secularist, and liberal are considered to be non-Islamists in Egypt. Non-Islamists may be deeply religious, but by and large believe that the role of government should primarily revolve around responsibilities concerning the betterment of the economy and ensuring the security of the state. However, several non-Islamist groups believe that Shari 'a law should be used as a frame of reference for laws in Egypt. Moreover, it is important to point out that for non-Islamist parties and movements the inclusion of Shari 'a in the Constitu tion means different things to different groups. The first half of this chapter will provide a short summary of the relation ship between various political parties under Husni Mubärak and the com mon causes such as the demand for free elections, which united Islamists and non-Islamists alike. It will also briefly detail the events following the resignation of Mubärak, the election of Muhammad Mursi, the Islamist victories in the parliamentary elections, and the ouster of Mursi from power.The second half of the chapter will describe the basic political worldview of the non-Islamists in Egypt during the rule of Mursi. In doing so, a description of beliefs and common political strategies of non-Islamist parties and movements during this time period with be included. Overall, the pur pose of this chapter is to examine the political mindset of non-Islamists dur ing the timeframe between January 2011 and August 2013. Personal inter 546 Ahram Online 2013 (d). 148 views with political actors of non-Islamist groups will provide the basis for these observations.547 6.3 Non-Islamists Before the Egyptian Revolution: Cooperation with Islamist Groups There have been several instances of electoral cooperation between Islamist and non-Islamist groups since the beginning of the rule of Husni Mubärak and during the Egyptian Revolution of 2011. Mubärak's authoritarian rule inspired opposition groups from various political persuasions to interact and cooperate in an attempt to create a freer and fairer electoral system. While cooperation between Islamist and non-Islamist political parties appears to be almost permanently frayed, this has not always been the case in Egypt. Under the rule of Mubärak, there were instances when Islamist and non-Islamist political actors in Egypt formed a bloc of parties disillusioned with the authoritative political system. A well-known example was the 1984 parliamentary elections. In this elec tion two of the major opposition parties, the non-Islamist al-Wafd Party and the Islamist Muslim Brotherhood joined electoral forces to run under a common list of candidates.548 The result of this strategy was beneficial to both sides since al-Wafd Party benefited from the Brotherhood's organiza tion, while the Brotherhood found a way into parliament via al-Wafd Party. However, the goodwill between these two parties was short-lived as al- Wafd Party ultimately was relatively uninterested in lobbying for any type of Shari'a law.549As political scholar Nuha al-Mikäwi (Noha El Mikawy) contends, the cooperation between the Muslim Brotherhood and al-Wafd was merely pragmatic, and "al-Wafd [and Muslim Brotherhood] failed to make their respective secular and religious ideologies compatible."550 In other words, the realities of cooperation in proposing legislation were much more difficult than merely combining forces for elections. During the 1987 parliamentary elections, parties running against the ruling National Demo cratic Party (NDP) also formed alliances in order to break through an unfair electoral system.551 Additionally, the 1990 parliamentary election witnessed 547 I am grateful for the assistance of Abanob Rizk in conducting and translating in terviews done in Arabic. 548 Hatina 2007, 34. 549 Ibid, 34. 550 El Mikawy 1999, 83. 551 Hatina 2007, 37. 149 a coordinated boycott by both opposition Islamist and non-Islamist parties alike.552 Another instance of cooperation involving several political currents was the Kifäya movement of 2005. Kifäya, which in Arabic means "enough," was primarily concerned with the expected transfer of power from Husni Mubärak to his son Jamäl.553 The Kifäya movement was an apolitical move ment, meaning that it did not have a set ideology or political frame of refer ence. This feature allowed it to attract and incorporate several opposition movements, both Islamist and non-Islamist, under a single banner revolving around the issue of political freedom in Egypt. As political scientist Rabäb al-Mahdi writes, "The founders and members of these groups came from all shades of political backgrounds (leftists, nationalists, liberals, and Islamists), different generations, and varying political experiences."554 Moreover, this movement was made to transcend ideology in order to avoid disagreements over particular issues regarding the governance of Egypt.555 In the years preceding the Egyptian Revolution of 2011, Islamists and non- Islamists would occasionally come together in opposition to an oppressive political structure. While their vision for Egypt was different, they could at least agree that they must all work against the rule of Mubärak and imple ment a free and fair electoral system. However, it was not until after the res ignation of Mubärak that these camps came into direct conflict in a markedly different political environment. 6.4 Non-Islamists after the Egyptian Revolution The Egyptian Revolution, which began on January 25,2011, opened the po litical environment of Egypt to an extent never before seen in its history. Members of a wide variety of political groups and movements have expressed admiration for the diverse set of beliefs that converged in Tahrir Square in January 2011. After Mubärak stepped down and the prospect of free and fair elections became a reality, the goodwill found in Tahrir Square during the Revolution began to slip away as various political groups organized and surveyed post-Revolution Egypt. The transition of power from Mubärak to the Supreme Council for the Armed Forces (SCAF), headed by Field Marshall Muhammad Husayn al- 552 El Mikawy 1999, 93-94. 553 Lynch 2011, 47. 554 Al-Mahdi 2009,1018. 555 Shorbagy 2007,195. 150 Tantäwi, was marred by several deadly incidents, many of which were blamed on military leaders.556 Moreover, even before elections, less than a year after the Revolution, non-Islamist parties feared that Islamists would have a significant advantage.557 Many of these predictions, which foretold of Islamist dominance in elections, were realized in the following months. After the fall of Mubärak, several crucial votes demonstrated the strength of Islamist parties at the polls. The parliamentary elections, which were concluded in December 2011 - January 2012, were a major victory for Islamist streams and disheartening for non-Islamist groups.558 This amounted to 223 seats for the Freedom and Justice Party and 111 seats for the Salafi al-Nür Party out of the 498 seats available.559 By comparison, non-Islamist parties garnered few seats with parties such as al-Wafd taking 38 seats, the Free Egyptians Party taking 17 seats, the Social Democrats with 17 seats, the Dignity Party with 6 seats, and the Freedom Egypt Party with 1 seat.560 When the final votes were counted, Islamist members comprised approximately two-thirds of this body. While the Egyptian Supreme Court eventually dissolved this legislative body in June 2012, the electoral results by Islamist parties were impressive.561 Furthermore, the Muslim Brotherhood celebrated a large victory during the Shürä Council election in February 2012, taking 45% of the vote.562 Howev er, it is important to point out that the voter turnout for this election was approximately 10%.563 The Presidential elections following the parliamentary contest witnessed a runoff between the Brotherhood's Muhammad Mursi and the final Prime Minister of Mubärak's regime, Ahmad Shafiq. The choice for revolutiona ries was a difficult one and, in order to secure non-Islamist votes, Mursi promised a consensus government and made guarantees about the future actions of the government.564 In the end, Mursi narrowly bested Shafiq in a hotly disputed run-off election. However, after the election there were sev eral events, ranging from disputes between Islamists and non-Islamists, sectarian violence, and the oppositions' belief that the Mursi's 100 Day Plan 556 Stacher 2011. 557 Hamid 2011. 558 Egypt Independent 2012 (c). 559 Al-Jazeera 2012. 560 Ibid. 561 Egypt Independent 2012 (a). 562 Wade 2013. 563 Ibid. 564 Shukrallah 2013 (a). 151 and the Brotherhood's Renaissance Project had failed, resulting in a highlevel of distrust between the different groups. President Mursi's Constitutional Decree of November 2012 served as the impetus for the formation of the National Salvation Front and drew the ire of many non-Islamist political groups and movements. The most farreaching of the decree's articles was placing the legality of the Constituent Assembly, dominated by Islamists, beyond judicial review.565 Furthermore, this decree allowed for Mursi's to take "necessary actions" to "protect" the Revolution.566 What made this Constitution so controversial was that it was mostly Islamists voting on the precise wording and formulation of the Con stitution after walk-outs by liberals and other currents.567 The Constitution was then put to a nation-wide referendum vote and was passed in a twopart vote with 63.8% of the voters approving the Constitution.568 Not only did this victory demonstrate the continued ability of Islamists to mobilize votes, but also revealed disunity among opposition politicians, who debated whether to oppose the Constitution through participating in the refe rendum or boycotting the vote.569 It is important to point out that the voter turnout for this vote was approximately 32%, demonstrating that large segments of the Egyptian electorate did not participate in the vote.570 The apparent betrayal of the democratic process by the Brotherhood's Mursi and his Islamist allies constituted a fundamental rift between Islam ists and non-Islamists.571 After Muhammad Mursi's constitutional decree, the political tension in Egypt worsened. The Tamarrud movement, formed in the beginning of May 2013, quickly morphed into the movement to which all groups in opposition to the rule of Mursi would throw their weight.572 This movement ultimately led to massive protests beginning on June 30. On July 3 the Egyptian military, led by General ‘ Abd al-Fattäh al- Sisi, removed Muhammad Mursi from power and initiated a new political roadmap for Egypt. Islamists then engaged two major sit-ins around Cairo, located in Giza and Nasr City, which were dispersed by Egyptian govern ment forces on August 14,2013 leading to scores of deaths.573 In the coming 565 Ahram Online 2012 (c). 566 Ibid. 567 Chick 2012. 568 Egypt Independent 2012 (g). 569 Samek 2012. 570 Aboul Enein 2012. 571 Spencer 2012. 572 Kirkpatrick, Baker and Gordan 2013. 573 Kirkpatrick 2013 (a). 152 months the Muslim Brotherhood would be labelled a terrorist organization with many of its assets and affiliated organizations seized by the state.574 In June 2014, ‘Abd al-Fattäh al-Sisi, the former Defense Minister who led the ouster of Mursi, won a landslide victory which many international observ ers claimed to not reach international standards.575 While the Egyptian political scene had remained relatively static for the thirty year rule of Husni Mubärak, the last three years have experienced explosive changes.576 The open political environment after Mubärak ushered in a new era of political participation among groups that rushed to improve their electoral position in Egypt. 6.5 The NDP and the Fulül One group that merits special attention is the now defunct National Democratic Party (NDP), which was the political party of former President Husni Mubärak. It was initially created in 1978 during the presidency of Anwar al- Sädät and has been used to cement control of the ruling party for several decades.577 From its political inception, the NDP had been the dominant party in Egypt, winning huge electoral landslides until the Egyptian Revo lution of 2011.578 Beginning in the 2000's, the NDP largely became a party whose most powerful members were businessmen who benefited from their relationship with government officials.579 After the Revolution of 2011, the NDP was disbanded while many of its members left the political scene or joined other political parties.580 Many of the high-profile politicians who were members of the NDP or had a close association with it were nicknamed fulül. The next section will briefly explain this term and the alleged political participation of the fulül after the Egyptian Revolution. 6.6 The Meaning of Fulül The term fulül, which in Arabic means "remnants," has been used in a derogative way since the Egyptian Revolution of 2011. While this term is often used to describe those with a close association with the Mubärak regime, there is some ambiguity as to who exactly should be considered fulül. The 574 BBC 2013. 575 Kingsley 2014 (a). 576 Serödio 2013 (a). 577 East and Joseph 1993, 83. 578 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace 2014 (c). 579 Roll 2010. 580 Ahram Online 2011(b). 153 precise characteristics of those who are labeled as such is an open and ongoing question in Egypt.581 There seems to be consensus that Husni Mubarak, his sons, and other top government officials who were members of NDP should be classified as fulül. Moreover, there seems to be some debate about other figures that had ties to the Mubarak regime and their clas sification as fulül.582 For example, some may consider ‘ Amr Müsa as part of the fulül since he held a number of important foreign posts under Mubarak.583 These important positions seem to indicate that Müsa had close connections with the Mubarak regime. However, his supporters may point out that he was a proponent of the protests that eventually led to the resig nation of Husni Mubarak.584 In this sense, he is seen as supporting funda mental change of a corrupt system under Mubarak. Conversely, others may contend that the mere support of the protests against Mubarak does not erase his past ties with the ousted regime. From this example, one can begin to understand the difficulty of applying this term to those with some type of ties to Mubarak and the NDP. While some may consider fulül to be only those in positions of power in the NDP, others may consider a large swath of government appointees under Mubarak as part of the fulül as well. As we will see in the next section, several in the administration of Muhammad Mursi accused judges appointed by Mubarak to be part of the fulül conspiracy against the Mursi govern ment. However, one must ask whether being a political appointee of Mubarak is enough of a reason to be classified as fulül. Others have argued that institutions such as the judiciary have long ac-ted as a counterbalance to the presidency and that there resistance to Mursi was natural in this re gard.585 While there is a substantial debate regarding this topic, it is clear that the term fulül is used to discuss different people and groups. The Egyptian bureaucracy greatly expanded under Jamal ‘Abd al-Nasir's rule and grew to employ a massive number of Egyptians.586 Since Mursi's ouster, there have been some accusations that members of the so-called "deep state" have used the massive and plodding bureaucracy of Egypt against the initiatives enacted by the Mursi government.587 However, it is also important to point out that the term fulül has not traditionally been 581 For instance, see Gamal 2013. 582 Ibid. 583 Maher 2012. 584 Ibid. 585 Soliman 2012. 586 Palmer, Leila and Yassin 1988,1-18. 587 Hubbard and Kirkpatrick 2013. 154 used to describe those who are employed by the Egyptian government or part of its bureaucracy. The fulül and former members of the NDP can be considered part of the non-Islamist political stream even though this political entity has had vastly different experiences than the other non-Islamist parties mentioned. This is mostly due to the fact that the NDP was the ruling party in Egypt for several decades and was used primarily to solidify the ruling regime's power. While the NDP was not known as a secularist party, it did show hostility toward Islamists, especially the Muslim Brotherhood, in its policies and practices.588 Moreover, Brotherhood leaders have maintained that the deep state and holdovers from the Mubärak regime have undermined the Mursi's Islamist government.589 With this in mind, it is helpful to briefly survey the alleged political involvement of those associated with the NDP after the Egyptian Revolution of 2011. 6.6.1 Political Involvement After 2011 There has been rampant speculation about the fulul's role during Mursi's presidency and its future in Egypt.590 With this is mind, this section will briefly outline the accusations leveled against those associated with the Mubärak regime and also discuss what future role former NDP party members and the fulül may have in Egyptian politics. After the 2011 Revolution, Islamists contended that remnants of Mubärak's political regime still played an active part in Egyptian politics. A number of accusations were aimed at Mubärak appointments in the judiciary. The judiciary made several rulings that drew the ire of Islamists and particularly the Muslim Brotherhood prompting them to accuse the fulül of attempting to undermine the state. One example concerned the Supreme Constitution Court (SCC), declaring the Egyptian Parliament, elected in 2012, to be invalid due to violations of voting rules.591 This decision was decried by many as an effort by the remnants of the Mubärak regime to impede the Islamist's rise to power.592 In another case, Mursi attempted to remove pub lic prosecutor ‘ Abd al-Majid Mahmüd, who was appointed by Mubärak, a decision which some saw as an attempt to rid the government of all those associated with Mubärak.593 However, the judiciary resisted this dismissal 588 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace 2014 (c). 589 Marroushi 2013. 590 Hubbard and Kirkpatrick 2013. 591 Kirkpatrick 2012 (a). 592 Ibid. 593 Al-Tawy 2013. 155 while demonstrating its ability to resist some of Mursi's decisions through judicial review.594 In several instances, Mursi and his supporters have accused those asso ciated with the Mubärak regime of thwarting their efforts at reform. In the latter months of 2013, there have been articles devoted to several problems that occurred in Egypt, especially in the summer of 2013, regarding the workings of the government bureaucracy. For instance, leading up to the massive June 30 protests, there were persistent gas shortages and long lines at the gas pumps around Cairo.595 While some pointed to problems in the supply chain, others argued that members of the fulül were behind these shortages in an effort to discredit Mursi's presidency.596 Leading members of Mursi's government have maintained that they underestimated the pow er of those who wished to see Mursi's pre-sidency fail.597 The crux of these arguments is that Mursi and his administration were nev er given a fair chance to succeed due to the depth of resistance to Islamist rule. Many hypotheses have been presented concerning the extent of resis tance toward Mursi's administration from those associated with Mubärak and the deep-state. As previously mentioned, it appears clear that elements of Mubärak's regime actively sought to undermine Mursi's rule. However, there is little concrete evidence about the extent of the resistance against Mursi and which individuals and entities were the most actively involved. The fulül's future role in Egyptian politics continues to be a popular topic of conservation. Much of the attention now turns to whether former promi nent members of the NDP will find their way back into the political fold of party politics in Egypt. The current political environment in Egypt has pre sented an opportunity for those associated with the Mubärak regime to creep back into the political fold. For instance, Prime Minister Ibrähim Mahlab, who was appointed under interim President Adli Mansür and was retained for a time by President ‘Abd al-Fattäh al-Sisi, was a former member of the NDP and was seen as closely associated with Mubärak.598 Additionally, many contend that the current political environment has al lowed former NDP members to re-enter politics along with helping them regain their political footing.599 594 Ibid. 595 Hubbard and Kirkpatrick 2013. 596 Ibid. 597 Marroushi 2013. 598 Kingsley 2014 (a). 599 Fouad 2014. 156 In the coming years, more research is needed on the precise role the fulül and deep state played in the resistance against Mursi's presidency. While it is clear that members of the NDP have joined other political parties, the extent that they will regain significant positions of power is yet to be seen. 6.7 Non-Islamist Parties Non-Islamist political parties are characterized by two features. The first feature is that each party adheres to a political ideology with regard to issues such as foreign policy and economic philosophy. For example, parties such as the Dignity Party have a Nasserist ideology, which has socialist leanings, while political parties such as the Constitution Party adhere to a more capitalistic, free-market framework. However, these parties agree on a core set of values, including social justice, democratic elections, and at least some degree of the separation of religion and politics. The second feature is that political parties tend to work within traditional political channels in order to achieve their goals and vision for Egypt. This means that they believe that elections and political participation are the primary methods by which to enact change. While there are dozens of polit ical parties in Egypt that can be described as non-Islamists, this chapter will concentrate on some of the largest and most influential parties. However, this does prevent them from participating and organizing protests in order to exert pressure for their political demands. Representatives from al-Wafd Party, Egyptian Social Democratic Party, Con stitution Party, Conference Party, Dignity Party, and Freedom Egypt Party were interviewed for this chapter.600 6.8 Non-Islamist Movements Non-Islamist movements tend to be non-partisan in that they do not adhere to any static political ideology or party platform concerning economics or foreign policy. Rather, these movements believe in set core values revolving around freedom, Egyptian nationalism, and social justice. Movements such as April 6, Kifäya, and the Tamarrud take a stance that the Egyptian national ism is what binds people together rather than a particular religious or polit ical ideology. In general, these non-Islamist movements were mobilized to challenge the "status quo" of Egyptian politics, rallying against the authoritarian and partisan nature of Muhammad Mursi's rule. Furthermore, non Islamist movements have, at times, been skeptical of the political process in ‘Abd Allah Al-Mughäzi; Muhammad ‘Abd al-Latif; Mahä ‘Abd al-Näsir; Sayyid Al-Tükhi; Khälid Däwüd; ‘Amr Hamzäwi. 157 Egypt and saw the "old state" of Mubärak and the subsequent rule of the Muslim Brotherhood as corrupt groups that did not have the best interests of the Egyptian people in mind. The April 6 Movement was originally founded in April 2008 to support striking workers in al-Mahalla al-Kubra, Egypt.601 It also played an instru mental role in the 2011 Revolution and remained active after the ouster of both Mubärak and Mursi. Its most prominent founders were ‘Äsmä’ Mahfüz and Ahmad Mähir, amongst others.602 The group experienced a split in 2011 when founder Ahmad Mähir sought to make the movement into an NGO, while others claimed that he acted independently without a vote from the group.603 In April 2014, the activities of April 6 were banned based on charges of undermining the security of Egypt.604 However, the movement has vowed to continue their activities.605 The Tamarrud Movement was founded in April 2013.606 The Tamarrud movement began as a campaign to collect millions of signatures withdrawing support from then President Mursi, a symbolic demonstration that Ta marrud activists believed discredited Mursi.607 However, since the ouster of Mursi, the movement has experienced deep splits surrounding the group's future.608 There had been indications that some members of this movement will create a political party, but an official party has not yet been formed.609 It is also important to mention the Kifäya movement, founded in 2004, which was one of the first youth movements based on promoting democratic principles in Egypt and has served as inspiration to later movements.610 As mentioned in section 6.2, Kifäya included many groups from across the political spectrum while demanding political freedoms. However, Kifäya's influence has greatly diminished since 2006.611 601 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace 2014 (a). 602 Ibid. 603 Ibid. 604 Ahram Online 2014 (a). 605 Co-founders of the movement, Rämi al-Suwisi and Amal Sharaf were interviewed along with Ahmed ‘Abd Allah, a leader of the movement's political bu reau at the time of the interview. 606 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace 2014 (d). 607 Ibid. 608 Ibid. 609 Co-founders Mahmüd Badr, Walid Al-Masri, and Muhammad ‘ Aziz were interviewed along with Tamarrud activist Shimä‘ Al-Tüni. 610 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace 2014 (b). 611 Ibid. 158 6.9 Non-Islamists in Politics The purpose of this section will be to offer a broad overview of the core beliefs of non-Islamist political parties and movements. To a large extent during Mursi's rule, non-Islamists define themselves by differentiating themselves from Islamists, generally focusing on critiquing Islamist groups. This section will exhibit the non-Islamists' broad political vision for Egypt and their response to the Islamist parties' impressive electoral victories after the fall of Mubärak. While several interviews were conducted in the spring and summer of 2013, a time when Mursi was still in power or had recently been removed from the presidency, these interviews will serve as an important look into the worldview of non-Islamists at a time when their political effectiveness was being questioned. 6.9.1 Religion and Personal Freedoms It is important to describe the beliefs of non-Islamists pertaining to religion in society. For many Egyptians, religion plays a significant role in daily life. However, many non-Islamists reject and active role for religion in politics. The distinction appears to lie in the conception of religion and its role in in dividual life and society at large. One of the primary accusations coming from the non-Islamist camp, is that Islamists attempt to enforce a specific interpretation of religion on all people. In reaction, non-Islamists have maintained that religious belief is a personal matter while emphasizing per sonal freedoms. This became a major issue during the rule of Muhammad Mursi and became a popular talking point amongst non-Islamists. For instance, ‘Abd Allah al-Mughäzi, al-Wafd Party spokesman at the time of the interview, stated that that he is a Muslim and he prays, but is frustrated with the way that Islamists associate liberals with not being true Muslims.612 In this sense, Islamists appear to be claiming that their ideology is the only one that coincides with pious religious belief, which should be adopted by society at large. However, al-Mughäzi countered by saying that religious belief is between "a worshiper and God."613 It is important to point out that the critiques of Islamists do not necessarily demonstrate that non-Islamists believe that religion is unimportant or that it does not play an important role in their lives. Rather, non-Islamists have expressed that the state should not be made responsible for enforcing the religious interpretations of others. The strategy for non-Islamists in this regard is the personalization of religious belief in order to guard against Islamist claims of impiousness amongst non-Islamists. 612 Interview with ‘Abd Allah al-Mughäzi 2013. 613 Ibid. 159 In many instances, non-Islamists have made it clear that personal freedom is an essential part of their ideology, with the implication being that Islamist parties would restrict these freedoms. ‘ Amr Hamzäwi, the founder of the Freedom Egypt Party, has stated that his party is "committed to freedom and human rights."614 Additionally, Amal Sharaf, a co-founder of the April 6 Movement, highlighted the need to protect freedoms throughout Egypt.615 In many of the political programs of non-Islamist parties, the protection of freedoms is prominently emphasized. In this sense, non-Islamists made the idea of per sonal freedom prominent in their political discourse in order to counter to Islamist claims. Conversely, many non-Islamists tend to believe that Islamists will use gov ernment as a way to impose their own beliefs on society. Non-Islamists have felt inclined to provide justification for their political beliefs and how these beliefs do not interfere with their practice of Islam. For instance, Khälid Däwüd, spokesman for the Constitution Party, said that he believes there is no contradiction between being a good Muslim and believing in a separation of religion from the state.616 Däwüd continues by stating that Egyptians "are seeing that being a bearded guy with a sign of prayer here [on the forehead] does not necessarily mean you are an angel from the sky."617 Statements such as these make clear that non-Islamist groups felt the need to articulate their beliefs concerning the role of religion in society, and especially the way religion was being used to give Islamists an electoral advantage. 6.9.2 The Issue of Shari'a in the Constitution The issue of Shari 'a law has been discussed extensively after the political success of Islamist movements after the Egyptian Revolution. Many of the non-Islamist parties support the inclusion of Shari 'a law in the Egyptian Constitution, particularly Article 2, which states that "the principles of Shari 'a are the source of legislation," an article that has been enshrined in the constitution since al-Sädät's presidency. With this in mind, it is impor tant to understand the stance of non-Islamist politicians and acti-vists regarding the issue of Shari 'a in the Egyptian Constitution. 614 Smit, Kasanwidjojo and Gjorvad 2013 615 Interview with Amal Sharaf 2013. 616 Interview with Khälid Däwüd 2013. 617 Ibid. 160 Several members of non-Islamist parties and movements support this pro vision. ‘Abd Allah al-Mughazi maintained that his party has no issue with Article 2 of the Constitution which stipulates that Shari 'a is the principle source of legislation, but stresses that religion is a relationship between an individual and God.618 Other non-Islamist party leaders view the inclusion of Article 2 of the Constitution as an ethical reference but not a set code of laws. For instance, Maha ‘Abd al-Nasir, the Deputy Secretary General for the Egyptian Social Democratic Party, said that with Article 2 "You get not the laws but the morality."619 While both Islamists and most non-Islamists may support a reference to Shari'a in Article 2 of the Constitution, non- Islamists have voiced that Shari 'a serves more as a type of moral compass and not a codified set of laws. As Dawüd emphasizes, "W e have always believed that Islam is a religion. Islam is not a political ideology" adding that "W e have been trying to explain the dangers of monopolizing religion. Of speaking in the name of religion."620 Non-Islamists were strongly against the inclusion of Article 219, which provided an interpretation of Shari'a, in the Constitution passed during Mursi's presidency.621This article defines Shari 'a law in a way that many non-Islamists believe is too narrow and serves to restrict freedoms.622 Along these lines, NSF leader Hamdin Sabahi stated, "'Religion is a key component of our culture and our identity and we will not allow anyone to monopolize it or speak under its nam e.'"623 While many non-Islamists appear to believe that religion is important for Egyptian society and that the men tion of Shari 'a should appear in the Constitution few have described how Article 2 may influence legislation in a tangible manner. However, there are some who speak out against this article in the Constitution. For instance, liberal scholar of international law, Nabil Hilmi, has spoken in depth about Article 2, arguing that any constitution that favors a religion necessarily denotes that it is a religious and not a civil state.624 He continues by stating that religious states are largely unsuccessful.625 At its core, it appears that many non-Islamists believe that Islam is impor tant to uphold the morality of a society, but that specific interpretations of a 618 Interview with ‘Abd Allah al-Al-Mughazi 2013. 619 Interview with Maha ‘Abd al-Nasir 2013. 620 Interview with Khalid Dawüd 2013. 621 Lombardi and Brown 2012. 622 Interview with Sharaf al-Din al-Jibali 2013. 623 Egypt Independent 2013 (e). 624 Hulsman 2012 (c), 188. 625 Ibid. 161 religious creed, when promoted by the government, are harmful to society. While individual opinions about the extent of religion's role in the state vary greatly, there seems to be some fundamental agreement that the mention of Shari 'a law in the Constitution should be looked at broadly. It is im portant to note that many in the non-Islamist camp interpret secularism differently, in that a party may claim to be secularist while seeing no contradiction supporting Article 2 of the Egyptian Constitution, a position supported by Mahä ‘Abd al-Näsir of the Egyptian Social Democratic Party.626 Along these lines, non-Islamists appear to understand the concept of Shari 'a as closer to an ethical frame of reference, rather than any set group of laws. The issue of religion in public and political life has been, and will continue to be, discussed at some length. 6.9.3 Egypt or an Organization? Leading to the June 30 protests, a popular mantra was that the Muslim Bro therhood had placed the interests of the organization above those of the state. Accusations of the "Brotherhoodization" of the state ran rampant among groups opposed to the Brotherhood.627 One example of this was the large number of Islamists on the Constitution-writing committee in 2012.628 Another example concerned Mursi's nomination of several governors with ties to the Muslim Brotherhood and other Islamist currents.629 Moreover, some protesters argued that the Brotherhood had "hijacked" the Revolution in order to obtain their political and organization goals.630 For non-Islamist activists, these accusations against the Brotherhood were important speaking-points while resisting Mursi's presidency. These perceptions have led to sentiments by non-Islamists that members of Islamist groups, such as the Muslim Brotherhood, have put their organizations above the common good of the state and all its citizens. Sayyid al- Tükhi, the vice-President for the Dignity Party, contended that Brotherhood members "have a relationship with the organization and do not think of the country," while adding that "the faction is not patriotic."631 These opinions were reiterated during the June 30 protests against Mursi, which, for non- Islamists, serves to emphasize that the Brotherhood was more concerned with its own pursuits of power than effectively running the country. 626 Interview with Mahä ‘Abd al-Näsir 2013. 627 Fahmy H. 2012. 628 El-Gundy 2012; Casper 2013 (b). 629 Egypt Independent 2013 (b). 630 Ibid. 631 Interview with Sayyid Al-Tükhi 2013. 162 For many non-Islamists, the presidential tenure of Muhammad Mursi, which saw many of his supporters in important governmental positions, only enforced this narrative. They draw this distinction since they believe that their political ideology revolves around governing, rather than just the act of getting themselves elected in order to propagate their beliefs, an accusation that they level against many Islamists, especially the Muslim Brotherhood. 6.9.4 Religious Diversity in Egypt Non-Islamists have argued that they respect the religious diversity of Egyptians and that this respect is found within their political ideology. Consequently, they claim that they embrace religious diversity while Islamists follow a narrow and relatively strict version of Islam, which had led to various sectarian acts of violence, a narrative that received significant attention after Islamist electoral victories. Non-Islamists generally accept that a non Muslim can become president of Egypt, a position which is in contrast to many Islamist parties, and they pointing to this as evidence that they accept a nationalistic rather than religious conception of Egyptian identity. However, it is important to point out that some well-known Islamists, such as preacher Safwat Hijäzi, have argued that a Christian can, in fact, be the head of state in Egypt.632 There are often accusations that political Islamist groups discriminate against Christians and smaller groups of Shi'is and Bahä'is, which non- Islamists view as problematic in Egypt. Non-Islamist groups stress that their set of beliefs and view of religion are more open to other beliefs than Islamist parties. ‘Abd Allah al-Mughäzi pointed out that "the principle slo gan [of the party] is 'the crescent and the cross,'" which demonstrates the inclusiveness of the party.633 Others, such as Mahä ‘Abd al-Näsir, mention the large number of Christians in her party who fear the rise of Mursi and Islamist groups.634 This is in contrast to Islamist parties, which are seen to have only small numbers of non-Muslim membership. From these state ments it is clear that non-Islamists, during the rule of Mursi, attempted to highlight the open nature of their political platforms and beliefs, which rely not on religion, but rather on a form of nationalism in which the idea of be ing Egyptian takes precedent over religious belief. Khälid Däwüd believes that sectarianism is a major issue under Mursi, due to the attempted Islamist monopolization of Islam resulting from Islamists, Ferrecchia 2013. Interview with ‘Abd Allah al-Mughäzi 2013. Interview with Mahä ‘Abd al-Näsir 2013. 163 especially the Brotherhood, rising to power.635 For instance, Däwüd references sectarian rhetoric after clashes around the Presidential Palace in December 2012. After those clashes Khayrat al-Shätir [Deputy-Supreme Guide of the Muslim Brotherhood] made a news conference and he said that 70% of those people around the presidential palace were Christians. And this was supposed to be the President of Egypt.636 In this sense, it is perceived by non-Islamists groups that Islamists adhere to a rigid form of Sunni Islam which, in some ways discriminates against non Muslims. Additionally, Ahmad ‘Abd Allah, a leader in the April 6 Movement's political bureau, said that he sees no reason to fear Shi 'is and considers them good Muslims, a belief he attributes to a less rigid view concerning Muslim identity.637 In order to differentiate themselves from Islam ists, non-Islamists wish to quell the fears of religious minorities by emphasizing that their ideology is much more tolerant of those with different beliefs. Religious minorities in Egypt like Süfi Muslims, Shi'is and Bahä'is face serious issues, and also threats, in Egypt.638 For some Sunni Islamists, Süfi beliefs border on apostasy and there have been attacks against Süfi places of worship.639 Another group of Muslims in Egypt include Shi'i Muslims. In the past, Shi 'i Muslims have been distrusted and, recently, some Islamists, especially Salafis, have expressed their fear of Shi 'is in Egypt.640 Additionally, there is tense animosity toward Bahä'is, a small religious sect in Egypt, who Salafi groups view as heretics.641 However, Bahä ’is were not recognized as a religion under the rule of Husni Mubärak either and have largely been oppressed in Egyptian society. Finally, the most widely discussed sectarian issue concerns the Christian com munity, which has become increasingly worried about the power of Islam ists. Several Christians have expressed concern that some Islamist groups allegedly supported attacks on their churches.642 In light of the tension be- 635 Interview with Khälid Däwüd 2013. 636 Ibid. 637 Interview with Ahmad ‘Abd Allah 2013. 638 Süfi Muslims practice a mystical form of Islam which has been rejected by some Islamist groups. 639 Al-Alawi 2011. 640 Egypt Independent 2013 (a). 641 Halawa 2011. 642 Kirkpatrick 2011. 164 tween several Islamist groups and minorities in Egypt, non-Islamists wish to express their solidarity with these minorities, which may also result in electoral gain. In the non-Islamist critique of Islamist parties, other problems such as sectarian violence and hatred have also been used as evidence that Islamists do not embrace diversity of belief. However, it is important to point out that Islamists would refute this generalization, maintaining that their ideologies are open to freedom of belief in Egypt. Moreover, Islamist leaders will point out that they have close associations with non-Muslims such as Christians, and have blamed the security services for church attacks.643 Similar to other issues, both Islamists and non-Islamists trade accusations concerning whether their political groups truly believe in religious freedoms for all. One example of this comes from the January 2011 Church bombing in the coastal city of Alexandria after which then-President Mubärak issued a statement blaming terrorism, while other government officials claimed that sectarianism does not exist in the country.644 However, many Christians blamed the Egyptian government for not protecting their places of worship and failing to combat sectarianism.645 6.9.5 Religion in Electoral Politics Another important position many non-Islamist champion is that religion should be kept out of electoral politics and political parties based on reli gious beliefs should be prohibited.646 This serves as another major point of contention between Islamists and non-Islamists. In the spring of 2013 there was controversial legislation that would allow religious slogans in electoral campaigns with many Islamist groups supporting this measure.647 Several Islamists supported this legislation, even though Egyptian law presently bars these types of electoral slogans. The combination of religious rhetoric and the electoral process after the Revolution of 2011 elicited strong reactions from non-Islamists. For starters, many non-Islamists voiced a firm opposition to any type of religious involvement in politics. For example, Tamarrud activist Shimä’ al-Tüni said, "W e are against the entry of religion in politics."648 Mahä ‘Abd al-Näsir made a similar objection stating, "W e 643 Egypt Independent 2013 (d). 644 Fahim and Stack 2011. 645 Ibid. 646 Egypt Independent 2013 (e). 647 AhramOnline2013(c). 648 Interviewwith Shimä‘ al-Tüni2013. 165 don't want to have any religion in politics. We want religion to be taken away from politics."649 During elections, many non-Islamists have accused Islamist parties of using religious rhetoric in their campaign slogans. ‘Amr Hamzäwi, objects to the use of religious rhetoric in this manner, contending that, "It's bad not only because I am against mixing religion and politics. It is bad simply because it really eats away the equal opportunity regulations which we need to have."650 He emphasizes that "You cannot use religious phrases to discriminate against your opponents."651 However, after the protests of June 30, there was significant discussion about banning religious-based parties from politics.652 Moreover, some non-Islamist politicians believe that Egyptians are beginning to understand the problems associated with religious rhetoric in political slogans. As Hamzäwi posits, "A t least the credibility of some actors using religion for political and election-based purposes is swinging."653 While the 2014 Egyptian Constitution bans parties based on religion, questions still persist as to the role of religion in the state.654 The basis for the removal of political slogans and religious-based parties from Egyptian politics illustrates the popularity of claims that Islamists use religion for political gain. Some, such as Hamdin Sabähi have stated that nobody should be allowed to speak for religion.655 From these statements it is clear that non-Islamists believe that there should be a separation between religion and electoral politics. This serves as one of the main tenets of non Islamist parties moving forward in a post-Mursi electoral scene. Non- Islamists will point out that there are various social, economic, and political problems and that Islamists have been using religion to win elections, while not having the political expertise to adequately solve these pressing prob lems. However, Islamists could argue that banning religious references serves as a restriction on freedom and that laws banning religious slogans unjustly discriminate against Islamist parties. As we have seen, non-Islamist parties attempted to differentiate themselves from Islamists during Mursi's rule with regard to how they view the rela 649 Interview with Mahä ‘Abd al-Näsir 2013. 650 Hamzawy 2013. 651 Ibid. 652 Al Arabiya 2013. 653 Smit, Kasanwidjojo and Gjorvad 2013 654 Shama and Labib 2014. 655 Egypt Independent 2013 (e). 166 tionship between religion and political life in Egypt. In doing so, non- Islamists have emphasized their support of personal freedoms and their commitment to the Egyptian state instead of a particular group. Moreover, they have continued to stress that their political ideology is more accepting of non-Muslims because of their more inclusive belief structure. This section has given voices from the non-Islamist current the opportunity to provide a working description of their groups' core political views on freedom, religion and the state through interviews conducted during Mursi's rule. It is important to point out that, while issues such as religious pluralism have been raised as ways in which non-Islamists are different than Islamists, only time will tell if improvement in these areas is realized. 6.10 Countering the Islamist Rule: Reflections of Non- Islamists After Islamists electoral victories in 2012, non-Islamists were on the defen sive. For non-Islamist parties and movements one of the most important questions moving forward after Islamist victories was how to counteract this success. The political situation since Mursi's rule has undeniably changed with the banning of the Muslim Brotherhood. However, the way in which non-Islamists sought to counter Islamist electoral gains will pro vide a glimpse of the worldview of non-Islamist groups during Mursi's presidency. 6.10.1 Uniting Non-Islamists 6.10.1.1 The National Salvation Front As evidenced by poor electoral showings in the 2011-2013 parliamentary and presidential elections, non-Islamist parties have emphasized a need to work together in the face of the better organized Islamist groups. As previously mentioned in the introduction, the NSF was created to unite oppo sition movements, most prominently non-Islamist groups, against the increasingly authoritative nature of Muhammad Mursi. Some non-Islamists recognized this development as a prelude to increased political cooperation amongst similar-minded groups. After a number of electoral victories by Islamists, non-Islamists groups be gan to recognize the value of uniting in some matter in order to strengthen their political position. During this timeframe, many non-Islamists pushed for greater electoral cooperation. For instance, Muhammad ‘Abd al-Latif, the Deputy President of the Congress Party, maintained that non-Islamists need to create political compatible parties to bring about a situation in 167 which two or three major parties compete in the Egyptian electoral sys tem.656‘Abd al-Latif contended that large parties that combine like-minded individuals are the correct path to challenge Islamists.657 He surmised this would better allow these non-Islamist parties to target and sway the undecided swing votes in Egypt, which he estimates to be five to six million.658 Sentiments such as these permeated non-Islamist parties after Islamist polit ical victories and have only increased after the ouster of Mursi. There is a deep running sentiment amongst non-Islamist parties that they need to grow their support bases. In this sense, non-Islamists need to develop greater electoral sophistication to challenge Islamist parties. As Sayyid al-Tükhi stated before the summer of 2013, "The new strategy for us is the idea of expansion with a bigger audience."659 Specifically, this involves reaching citizens who may be unfamiliar or unconvinced by non-Islamist parties. Others, such as Maha ‘Abd al-Nasir, emphasized the importance of elector al alliances during the summer of 2013, but admitted that there were not any concrete alliances at that time saying that her party would be, "Going for alliances with similar parties but I cannot say (which parties) exactly now ."660 In the summer of 2013, there were reports in the media about the merging of political parties.661 Both before and after the ouster of Muhammad Mursi, many questions surfaced as to how well non-Islamists will continue to cooperate with each other and these questions have yet to be answered. It is important to point out that the NSF's primary goal was to oppose the Constitutional Decree of President Mursi and then to stop the enactment of the Constitution. The underlying sentiment was that the NSF should not be viewed as a long-term solution for organization among parties, but was made to oppose the Islamist bloc's support of President Mursi's Constitu tional Decree. ‘ Amr Hamzawi, whose party was part of the coalition, made it clear that the NSF should not be viewed as a political party.662 He said, "In any front, in any umbrella organization, you have a variety o f ... stances and positions and the National Salvation Front is to my mind a Front which 656 Interview with Muhammad ‘Abd al-Latif 2013. 657 Ibid. 658 Ibid. 659 Interview with Sayyid al-Tükhi 2013. 660 Interview with Maha ‘Abd al-Nasir 2013. 661 Kortam 2013. 662 Smit, Kasanwidjojo and Gjorvad 2013. 168 cannot lead to the formation of one single party. It is too diverse."663 While these concerns were relayed in the spring of 2013, they foretell of some difficultly regarding large-scale electoral cooperation amongst non-Islamists in the coming years. While several other political leaders believe that unity is the best defense against the Islamist majority, this is easier said than done. As was the case with alliances in the 1980s, specifically the alliance between the Muslim Brotherhood and al-Wafd Party, electoral cooperation is made easier when there is a common opponent. However, once the realities of governing set in, it becomes much more difficult to function as a united group. With this in mind, future cooperation between non-Islamist parties will be a signifi cant factor in their electoral fortunes. 6.10.1.2 Tamarrud The coalescing of several political parties and activists around the Tamarrud movement was a monumental development in the summer of 2013. The idea of Tamarrud was to create a signature campaign in order to voice "no confidence" in the rule of then-President Mursi, thus using the street to make a conspicuous statement against the administration.664 The NSF strongly supported the aims of the movement while emphasizing that this movement would correct the path of the previous Revolution.665 According to Mahmüd Badr, a co-founder of the movement, the aim of Ta marrud was "to collect 15 million signatures withdrawing confidence from President Mursi."666 The idea of Tamarrud is predicated upon the belief that the people hold the power in Egypt and will challenge any leader who suppresses freedom or the path to social justice. Walid al-Misri, a co-founder of the movement, described Tamarrud as a "movement of conscious" that seeks to return the country back to the path of the January 25 Revolution.667 This rhetoric allowed Tamarrud to transcend several ideological differences while spurring various political groups to work together based on a clear goal. After Mursi's ouster, several questions revolve around the future of the Ta marrud movement.668After the common enemy had been removed from 663 Ibid. 664 Ahram Online 2013 (d). 665 Wahba 2013. 666 Interview with Mahmüd Badr 2013. 667 Interview with Walid Al-Masri 2013. 668 Gjorvad 2013 (a). 169 power, much of the momentum of the Tamarrud had slowed. Moreover, the splits within the Tamarrud movement have displayed some of the issues surrounding various attempts at maintaining large alliances.669 These divisions pertained to who the group would support in the Presidential election.670 The issues complicating the cooperation between non-Islamists further demonstrate the difficulty non-Islamist parties and movements continue to have when enacting a strategy built around joining forces. In these instances, cooperation was easy when non-Islamist groups united against Muhammad Mursi, but has proven to be difficult going forward. The NSF and Tamarrud were successful since they mobilized support against Mursi, but cooperation has stalled since. 6.10.2 "Principles" Versus "Politics" While there is significant agreement and cooperation between non-Islamist parties and movements, after the fall of Mubärak there was some degree of animosity between them concerning the state of affairs in Egypt. This animosity stems from the debate over how to best bring about political change in Egypt during the rule of Muhammad Mursi. As previously mentioned, after the Mursi's election there were significant issues regarding the heavyhanded nature of his rule. For many non-Islamists, the process of achieving the Revolution's goals seemed to stall. Well before the June 30 protests, there was significant debate concerning how to best regain the momentum of the Revolution of 2011. Some in the non-Islamist party camp have viewed non-Islamist movements as youthful discontents, whose zeal for revolutionary change is praiseworthy, but are incapable of changing things in Egypt. On the other hand, some in the non-Islamist movements had thought that they are the real revolu tionary forces capable of provoking change in Egypt. This is a debate that centers on the voiced principles of non-Islamist movements or the reality of politics of non-Islamist parties. Non-Islamist party members have, at times, criticized the approach of non Islamist movements as unrealistic and impractical towards the poli-tical re ality in Egypt. For instance, ‘Abd Allah al-Mughäzi argues that some activists "continue to dream and do not want to apply, but only imagine."671 Moreover, Mahä ‘ Abd al-Näsir agrees that working through political chan 669 Mokbel 2014. 670 Ibid. 671 Interview with ‘Abd Allah al-Mughäzi 2013. 170 nels is necessary while adding "Politics is the art of the possible."672‘Abd al- Näsir believes that some just see the need for revolution and no need to start building saying "If we could have tore everything down and start from scratch we should have done that after the first wave of the Revolu tion," adding that "It's very easy to knock any building down. It's about how you build it again. " 673 In this sense, the continued refusal to compromise and work through the traditional poli-tical process is, in the eyes of some non-Islamists, detrimental to improving Egypt. In many instances, the goals of non-Islamist parties and movements overlap and there are clear signs of support. However, some in non-Islamist parties appear to look at younger members of non-Islamist movements as out of touch with how to bring about change due to the latter's uncompromising nature. This uncompromising nature may lead to unrealistic goals and visions that will never be realized in Egypt. In other words, non-Islamist par ties believe that they are the ones capable of changing Egypt through more practical means in the political process. With this being said, non-Islamists movements may be tempted to form po litical parties. The April 6 Movement has already had a breakaway group attempting to form a political party called the April 6 Party.674 Moreover, soon after Mursi's ouster, reports surfaced that Tamarrud members have been deliberating over whether they would form a political party.675 Therefore, there has been, and continues to be, significant internal debate within these movements concerning how to precisely engage the political sphere. On the other hand, members of non-Islamist movements are confident that they are the true revolutionaries in Egypt. Ahmad ‘Abd Allah believes there is a difference between the reformists and revolutionaries. He believes that it is the revolutionaries who are the ones who are able to change the political state in Egypt.676 Rämi al-Suwisi and Amal Sharaf, co-founders of the April 6 Movement, agree, and said that without dreamers there would be no revolution or opportunity for non-Islamist parties to enter the politi cal system.677 As Amal Sharaf states, "These dreamers are the ones with the Revolution," while holding steadfast in the belief that "Without dreams you will never achieve your goals."678 However, it should be pointed out that 672 Interview with Mahä ‘Abd al-Näsir 2013. 673 Ibid. 674 Rashwan 2013. 675 Taha 2013 (b). 676 Interview with Ahmad ‘Abd Allah 2013. 677 Interview with Rami al-Suwisi and Amal Sharaf 2013. 678 Interview with Amal Sharaf 2013. 171 several political currents in Egypt, including Islamists, believe that they are protecting the revolutionary gains of the Egyptian people. Since the Revolution, there has been an active back and forth between polit ical currents over who truly represents revolutionary Egypt. With this being said, the prevailing idea voiced by some non-Islamist movements is that they are the engines of Revolution and will uphold the core principles of the Revolution. Non-Islamist parties counter that they are the political ac tors who are actually able to realize the demands of the Revolution. This battle of "principles" and "politics" will continue in light of the political difficulties in Egypt. 6.10.3 Reaching a Broader Audience A number of representatives from non-Islamist groups have expressed their desire to broaden their message since they believe their political messages are not reaching sufficient number of citizens due to a lack of outreach to outside the Egypt's metropolitan areas. This was abundantly clear after non-Islamist parties experienced electoral setbacks after the Revolution. Several members from various political parties have stressed that in the past election they did a poor job of articulating their message to the voters and did not reach out to the general electorate. As Khälid Däwüd states, "W e are also facing, liberal and leftist parties, the fact that we need to work on the ground."679 In light of these poor electoral showings in 2011-2013, non-Islamist parties are attempting to better reach the constituents that they hope will connect to the message. These parties' underlying strategy is to broadly circulate their message and political values to those who are unfamiliar with their platforms. Däwüd maintains that non-Islamist political parties were at a disadvantage after the Revolution for two primary reasons. The first is that Islamists, in the past, were able to use the mosque to congregate, while non-Islamists had difficulty organizing in the public sphere under the Mubärak's rule.680 Second, the social services system of the Islamists bought them goodwill.681 Mahä ‘Abd al-Näsir agrees and contends that the organizations such as the Mus lim Brotherhood had 40 years to organize and form a social network, while non-Islamist parties had only a few years since the Egyptian Revolution.682 However, it is important to point out that this is not entirely true. For in stance, al-Wafd Party had existed for many years in Egypt. Moreover, other 679 Interview with Khälid Däwüd 2013. 680 Ibid. 681 Ibid. 682 Interview with Mahä ‘Abd al-Näsir 2013. 172 political parties such as al-Tajammu ‘ and smaller leftist parties were in existence for several decades before the Egyptian Revolution of 2011. Both Is lamist and non-Islamist parties were suppressed under Mubärak. Muhammad ‘Abd al-Latif contended that Islamist victories were expected because Egyptians thought they needed to give Islamist parties a chance after the severe oppression they experienced during the Mubärak era.683 Non-Islamists present this as another possible explanation as to why Islam ist parties fared so well in 2012. However, this hypothesis appears to lack concrete evidence. In reality, a myriad of factors, such as better organization and a more widespread political apparatus, may be primarily responsible for the Islamist electoral victories after the 2011 Egyptian Revolution. Ac cording to non-Islamists, the aforementioned explanations are the primary reasons that Islamists have held an early advantage in electoral politics since 2011. In order to counteract the success of Islamist political parties and their outreach, non-Islamist parties have claimed that they need to more clearly and thoroughly explain their beliefs and policies. Several of these groups have previously relied on new means of technology, such as Facebook, Twitter, and various television channels, rather than face-to-face interactions with the public. However, ‘Amr Hamzäwi criticized the lack of outreach, saying that, "You cannot simply sit down and do politics via televised cameras or Twitter."684 Political parties have emphasized that new methods should be employed in light of the difficulty of relaying their message to a wider constituency. After the electoral victories of Islamists, there is a widely held sentiment that non-Islamists need to better connect with people who may not be well informed about the various political parties in Egypt. In this way, non Islamist parties had begun to recognize their shortcomings in the previous elections when they failed to connect with certain constituencies in non urban areas. However, it is important to point out that concrete and specific examples of how to implement these strategies have not been prominently circulated. 6.10.4 The Political Issue of Social Services After the electoral victories by Islamist parties, the question over the politicization of social services became an increasing important topic. Se-veral Islamist groups, especially the Brotherhood had significant social service networks where they supplied items such as bread, rice, and cooking oil to Interview with Muhammad ‘Abd al-Latif 2013. Smit, Kasanwidjojo and Gjorvad 2013. 173 poor Egyptians. Many non-Islamists pointed to the politicization of social services as a key to the Brotherhood and other Islamists' success in elec tions. However, non-Islamists remain steadfast in their refusal to copy this electoral tactic. ‘Amr Hamzäwi said that it is important for groups to provide aid to the poor, but these groups should be non-politicized.685 Other leaders of the po litical groups and movements have indicated that social services should be in the domain of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and not political parties. Khälid Däwüd emphasized that political parties deal with issues such as providing education to children, promoting social justice, and ensuring law and order.686 Däwüd continued by stating that political parties should not be responsible for getting staples such as rice and cooking oil to poor Egyptians.687 This is not to say that non-Islamist political parties do not see social services as essential to Egypt, but these activities should not be politicized. For instance, Ahmad ‘Abd Allah, the head of the April 6 political bureau, sup ports the formation of social service networks to connect with the people.688 He claims that by aiding Egyptian communities, the April 6 Movement can better relate to the needs of Egyptians.689 Rämi al-Suwisi agrees and points out that the April 6 Movement has already been involved in community works such as placing railroad signs by tracks in an attempt to cut down the number of train/car accidents in Egypt.690 Non-Islamists point out that the aim of providing social services is not to sway people to their way of thinking. Rather, they contend that one of the aims of volunteering and helping communities is to show how the Egyptian government has been failing to provide for its people, explains Rämi al- Suwisi.691Although, Islamists can and do claim the same thing. However, other non-Islamists believe parties should stay out of NGO work. As Mahä ‘Abd al-Näsir states "W e are not an NGO, we are a political party," contending that political parties should help people achieve their aspirations 685 Ibid. 686 Interview with Khälid Däwüd 2013. 687 Ibid. 688 Interview with Ahmad ‘Abd Allah 2013. 689 Ibid. 690 Interview with Rämi Al-Suwisi 2013. 691 Ibid. 174 and not supply these type of social services.692 In her mind, this is the only way in which democracy will thrive in Egypt.693 Through providing social services to people around Egypt, some non Islamist movements are demonstrating that the state needs to be more involved in bettering the lives of its citizens. In light of these comments from non-Islamists, questions arise concerning how to prevent the politicization of social services and other forms of aid. It is clear that non-Islamists must continue to face the challenge concerning how their political and social messages resonate with a public that has faced immense economic and po litical hardships in the past decades, both under Mubarak and Mursi. Non Islamist political solutions are needed to realize goals such as freedom and social justice, and non-Islamist movements are unclear about precisely how to accomplish this. It is still unclear how well these messages have resonated with people in dire economic conditions. 6.10.5 M obilizing the Street Street protests and observable demonstrations were a prominent strategy for non-Islamists during the rule of Mursi. For instance, there was a highly publicized protest by April 6 members outside the home of the Interior Mi nister where protesters waved women's underwear, implying that the Ministry of Interior was "selling" itself to a new ruler, in this case Mursi.694 For many non-Islamist movements, especially the April 6 Movement, the Ministry of Interior represents an Institution that remains unaffected despite significant political changes over the past few years. Moreover, Amal Sharaf maintains that the Egyptian Revolution of 2011 has demonstrated that pressure from the street can force an Egyptian ruler to step down.695 It is through the continued pressure emanating from the street that the April 6 Movement seeks to continue to challenge the status quo and bring about real change in Egypt. After all, Tamarrud had effectively used protests as their main form of activism against the Muslim Brother hood. The events of June 30 serve as prime examples of massive protests leading to the ouster of a government in Egypt. However, the extent of this change and whether or not it will lead to a genuine democracy in Egypt has yet to be seen. 692 Interview with Maha ‘Abd al-Nasir 2013. 693 Ibid. 694 Ahram Online 2013 (b). 695 Interview with Amal Sharaf 2013. 175 Street protests were an important tool for non-Islamists during Mursi's presidency and have continued to be utilized since his ouster. The effectiveness of the method has come into doubt since the interim Egyptian gov ernment passed an "anti-protest" law severely limiting the viability of demonstrations, making them illegal without government approval.696 As a result of this law, several prominent activists who were important figures and allies to non-Islamist movements have been arrested and detained.697 6.10.6 Tim e as an Ally? The primary assumption of the strategies articulated by non-Islamist parties is that, with more time, they will more effectively transmit their message. Several of the political leaders of these groups have voiced that they are reaching out to more Egyptians than ever before. After all, as Mahä ‘ Abd al- Näsir has argued, Islamists had been propagating their message for years through grassroots activities while non-Islamists have had a little more than two years to get organized.698 However, as pointed out earlier, some of these non-Islamist parties had existed during the rule of Mubärak. Non- Islamists also assume that their message will resonate with the majority of the population as they believe that public opinion has fully turned against Islamists in Egypt. In all, the effectiveness of articulating their political values to the populace, along with the ability to reach more segments of the Egyptian population will be central to non-Islamists' success. Non-Islamists must also find a way to unite under a common banner in the post-Mursi Egyptian political landscape. While it was easy to unite in op position of the Brotherhood, there have been signs of disagreement in the NSF after the ouster of Mursi, with many viewing Muhammad al-Baräda‘i's resignation as vice president as an act of treason.699 Al-Baräda‘i's resigna tion caused a great deal of tension in the NSF and in other groups that supported the June 30 protests.700 Moreover, al-Baräda‘i has warned that politi cal divisions are widening on a number of fronts.701 Tensions have been bubbling beneath the surface between young and old generations, who may have different visions for their political parties.702 Currently, for non Islamist parties, the future appears much brighter than in 2012. Members of 696 Kingsley 2013 (b). 697 Daily News Egypt 2014. 698 Interview with Mahä ‘Abd al-Näsir 2013. 699 Fleishman 2013. 700 Taha 2013 (a). 701 Ibid. 702 For instance, see Taha 2013 (c). 176 non-Islamist political parties understand that much work is needed in order to realize their political goals. However, it appears as though they think with more time their vision for electoral success will come to fruition. Similar to non-Islamist parties, non-Islamist movements have high hopes for Egypt's future. Soon after Mursi's ouster, Muhammad ‘Aziz, one of Tamarrud's founders, stated that this is the time to develop Egypt and that Tamarrud has "evolved from a movement of protest to a movement of building."703 Encouraged by past successes, members of the April 6 Move ment also expressed confidence that, with continued pressure generated from the street, real change can come to Egypt.704 Consequently, there is a natural aura of optimism around these movements with regard to the future. In the coming years, it will be interesting to see what the future holds for non-Islamist movements in Egypt. The Tamarrud and April 6 Movements both have indicated that they will continue to play major roles in shaping Egypt's political transition. Moreover, as we have seen, each movement has been active in various ways since the ouster of Mursi. Divisions within movements, however, have cast uncertainty on the direction they might take with regard to their involvement in politics. How non-Islamists approach compromise and consensus with other political currents will also go a long way in determining the political future of Egypt. 6.11 Conclusion Non-Islamist parties and movements are currently faced with a rapidly changing political environment. Many Islamist groups, with the exception of the Salafi al-Nür Party, continue to protest against what they believe is a military coup and have refused to participate in the transitional process until certain conditions are met; the most prominent condition being Muhammad Mursi's return to the presidency.705 This has further complicated a difficult political situation and has caused deep political and social divisions. Additionally, non-Islamist parties and movements are now forced to work together in an increasingly tense political environment where consensus-building is needed. With this in mind, this chapter has provided an overview of the non-Islamist worldview before and after Mursi's ouster in order to help illustrate how non-Islamist groups reacted to past Islamist electoral victories. Interview with Muhammad ‘Aziz 2013. Interview with Rämi al-Suwisi and Amal Sharaf 2013. Egypt Independent 2013 (c). 177 Non-Islamist groups have generally differentiated themselves from the Is lamist current on the basis of the use of religion in politics. As discussed in section 6.7, religion may play an important role for non-Islamists, many be lieve that its use in politics is not only damaging to the political process, but can also corrupt the sanctity of religion. As previously mentioned, non- Islamists are largely in support of Article 2 of the Constitution, affirming that the principles of Shari 'a are the source for legislation. They justify the inclusion of Article 2 by pointing to the Islamic identity of Egypt. However, non-Islamists have been insistent that freedom of all people is fundamental to their belief and that their ideologies are inclusive of non-Muslims and those following Shi'i Islam. In many ways, non-Islamist parties and movements believe that time is on their side. First, non-Islamists have emphasized that their messages are reaching more Egyptians than before and are resonating with the populace, as evidenced by Mursi's overthrow. Second, many have expressed that the failure of Islamists in governing, particularly that of the Muslim Brother hood, will only help their message in the future. Non-Islamist parties and movements believe that the answer to their political success does not lie in copying tactics of the Islamists, but rather in demonstrating the faults and shortcomings of the Islamist ideology and reaching segments of Egyptian society with which they have not had previous contact. This may continue to spark conflict between Islamist and non-Islamist currents. Non-Islamist parties and movements have generally worked together, but there appears to be some underlying tension between these groups. Some members of non-Islamist parties perceived those in non-Islamist move ments to be impractical and unrealistic in their demands for political reform. Conversely, some members of non-Islamist movements see that some non-Islamist parties have not been able to bring about real change and are not genuine revolutionaries in the true sense of the word. It will be interesting to see whether this tension grows in the coming years in the midst of a deeply divided political environment. This chapter has presented several voices from the non-Islamist current to provide their views on a number of issues. While 2012 was a year that witnessed electoral successes by Islamists in Egypt, 2013 had seen a dramatic changing of fortunes for non-Islamists. Non-Islamists now have a greater opportunity to play a defining role in shaping the Egyptian state. After the ouster of Muhammad Mursi, non-Islamists now believe that time is on their side. Only time will tell if they are correct. 178 7 Conclusion (Cornelis Hulsman) When we started interviewing political actors at the end of 2012 the Islamist electoral successes were still fresh. Their fortunes, however, dramatically changed in 2013. We have included the first months after the removal of Egypt's first Islamist president and thus all chapters dealt with the transition from Islamist rule to a non-Islamist rule of Egypt. Islamists were deeply disappointed and angry that they were not able to achieve their "Islamic Project," realizing the implementation of Shari 'a and creating a utopian Islamic state that would ultimately unite Egypt and other Muslim countries. Eline Kasanwidjojo described the Muslim Brotherhood as an organization with a history of grassroots preaching and social work, political activism and at times involvement in violent actions. The Brotherhood has been internally divided on whether to remain focused on da 'wa and social work or whether to become more politically involved. The January 25 Revolution had deeply weakened the Egyptian state and created for them a better climate for political involvement. The Muslim Brotherhood entered the Revolution with a strong hierarchical organization with a largely secretive membership in which the organization took care of the families of members who were arrested or killed. With this hierarchical system they were almost able to act as an army, with directives given from top to down. The successes in the Parliamentary elections of December 2011-January 2012 made them bolder resulting in many secret members becoming known." The process to constructively 'Islam ize' the society seemed (in that period) to be secured," Kasanwidjojo writes. Muslim Brotherhood leadership was focused on achieving their ideals of building an Islamic state and in the process of doing so turned non-Islamist political actors against them. Leaders did not show much of an effort toward consensus building during their rule and neither did they show much readiness to compromise after they lost power. This Muslim Brotherhood's secretive system was never fully dismantled and thus when Mursi was deposed and the higher level leaders were ar rested or escaped second echelon or third echelon leaders were able to di rect the people who were operating under their directives. Brotherhood members believe that their organization is able to overcome the pressures that continued to increase. Kasanwidjojo concludes that "w ith its deeprooted history, strong organization, but most of all, its strong ideology, they will certainly not concede so readily." 179 Just as the Muslim Brothers the Salafis struggled between preaching and po litical involvement. But unlike the Muslim Brothers Salafis had been mostly quietist and focused on preaching until the January 25 Revolution. Their political parties were only formed after the Revolution and were thus to a larger or smaller extent perceived as revolutionary. Quinta Smit described the subsequent struggle that resulted between preaching or religious Salafism, often with a revolutionary angle, and political Salafism that needed to be more pragmatic. Political pragmatism was often seen as contrasting with the traditional Salafi identity which would guarantee large scale sup port from the religiously conservative Egyptian masses. Of all Salafi political parties al-Nür Party turned out to be the largest and most pragmatic. They have made concessions and alliances that have cost it support, but that also protected their legitimate position in the political are na. Prior to the June 30 protests they sided with the parties asking for Mursi's downfall. As a consequence they were not banned and played a role in the 2013 Constituent Assembly that formed Egypt's new Constitu tion. Jayson Casper described the process from violence to nonviolence and par ticipation in politics of the al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya. The forced removal of the pro-Mursi sit-ins in August 2013 led to a wave of burning Coptic property including tens of churches. Al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya, just as several Muslim Brotherhood leaders, distanced itself from the attacks, condem-ning them completely. Their denials were, however, suspected by many. "If many doubted their true intentions during a period of openness, these are likely to increase during a time of public crackdown on Islamists," Casper concluded. Casper also wrote about the jihädi Salafis who were and are primarily active in Sinai. The jihädi Salafis had no faith in participatory democracy. In the days of Mursi they were largely involved in preaching but after Mursi's removal militant resistance moved to the foreground. They were able to draw other Salafis who had little faith in democracy into their camp. Non-Islamist parties and actors were divided and weak before President Muhammad Mursi was elected. Resistance against Mursi forced them to cooperate but it was not them but Egypt's judiciary that proved to be Mursi's greatest stumble block. Calls of Minister of Defense ‘Abd al-Fattäh al-Sisi to political opponents to unite in the last months of Mursi's rule had no effect. Al- Sisi warned several times that the Egyptian state could not endure such deep divisions but neither the Brothers and their allies and their opponents showed much readiness to come to consensus. Nicholas Gjorvad showed that many non-Islamists are in fact religious but they believe the use of religion "in politics is not only damaging to the po 180 litical process, but can also corrupt the sanctity of religion." Non-Islamists were to a large extent affirming the need to keep the reference to the Shari 'a as the source for legislation in the Constitution. They, however, also "have been insistent that freedom of all people is fundamental to their belief and that their ideologies are inclusive of non-Muslims and those following Shi 'i Islam." Non-Islamist parties and movements believed in 2013 that time was on their side, banking on a widespread resistance in the Egyptian population against the Islamist policies during Mursi. Will this anti-Islamist antipathy remain? For this to happen non-Islamists will need to show that they can bring economic progress to the country in which large numbers of Egyptians will be able to participate. Despite major efforts this has thus far not yet materialized. Islamists are well aware that Egypt's weak economy is the Achilles heel of the al- Sisi government and thus efforts have been made to undermine recovery.706 The removal of president Mursi by force has undermined the legitimacy of the transfer of power, in particularly in the eyes of Islamists. Muslim Broth ers have contributed to this through their lack of consensus building and refusal to call for new elections prior to Mursi's removal. Instead they were organizing counter demonstrations and sit-ins, digging themselves in for a removal that, due to deepening tensions, was bound to happen. Following the removal of Mursi, they continued the large sit-ins with fiery preachers whose inflammatory speeches, which called for rejection of the interim government, were broadcasted. Neither the sit-ins, nor the violent removal of the sit-ins have contributed to efforts to seek consensus. The consequence of Mursi's forced removal and lack of consensus was that large numbers of Islamists have lost faith in democracy. Others became involved in militant attacks, in particular on what they see as their greatest enemies: police, mili tary and the judiciary. Egypt has, since the removal of president Mursi, seen continuous violence that resulted in harsh government responses. A Muslim Brotherhood leader who wished to remain anonymous told me on August 7 2014, that there was no contact between the Brotherhood and the Gov ernment of Egypt. He predicted that Egypt's economy would not recover which in turn would undermine this government. 181 Appendix 1: Organizations and Interviewees Mentioned in This Book (Cornelis Hulsman) In this appendix we provide a brief overview of all interviewees with their positions at the time of the interview. We have attempted to find out what happened with these interviewees after 2013. Sometimes this was easy, but often calls to old telephone numbers and email addresses were not answered. We also briefly describe the political parties to which people we interviewed in 2013 belonged, as well as what happened to them after 2013. Also oither political parties and movements that are mentioned in the book are listed here. This list was compiled with the help of Tugrul von Mende, Eline Kasanwidjodo, Quinta Smit, Jayson Casper, Nicholas Gjorvad and Khaled H. Zakaria. The people we interviewed in 2013 are listed under the names of the organ izations they represented. Information is presented in the following order: Name and position in 2013 Date of interview(s) Information obtained as to what happened to them after the interviews. Authors of different chapters tried to contact the people whom they had interviewed, but rarely succeeded. The anonymous former member of al- Watan Party responded and explained he and other former members of al- Watan Party are no longer active in politics. Dr. Jerome Drevon wrote that most of his contacts dating back to 2013 are now unavailable, or under surveillance. "M any had to leave the country and many others were incarcerated by the authorities. I am sporadically in touch with them, but they are not willing at the moment to meet anybody considering the risks (which is very understandable)."707 We also searched the internet and found a few people in the media or facebook or twitter. It is clear that the Muslim Brothers who had been interviewed were either imprisoned, in exile or no longer publicly active in politics. Some of the members of the Salafi al-Nür Party are still active in politics. Al-Nür Party members whom we had interviewed and who had left for al-Watan Party ceased to be active in politics after 2013. Leading members of al-Asäla, al- Fadila and al-Isläh Parties (all Salafi) were either abroad, arrested or their whereabouts are unknown to us. Preacher Safwat Hijazi is in prison. Izzat al-Salamüni of the al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya died in prison. Another member is in prison and of others we do not know where they are. Of the jihädi Salafis 707 Email November 18, 2015. 183 we interviewed, one is in prison and of the others we do not know their whereabouts. The Islamist scholars we interviewed in 2013 are still active. Of the non-Islamists, Jamäl al-Bannä (1920-2013) passed away, others are still active. Dr. George Masiha of the New al-Wafd Party left politics. Of oth ers, their whereabouts are unknown, which is likely to be an indication that they are no longer active in politics. 1 M uslim Brotherhood & Freedom and Justice Party (FJP) The Muslim Brotherhood was founded 1928 in opposition to Western polit ical dominance in Egypt and the Muslim World. In Chapter 2 several wings are mentioned: Al-Nizäm al-Khäss - the militant wing. Qutbis - members belonging to the more conservative political wing. Tilmisänis - members belonging to the reformist political wing. The Muslim Brotherhood provides grass roots services, and throughout the decades tried to increase its influence in society through Parliament, trade unions, NGOs and other organizations. In 2011, prominent members of the Muslim Brotherhood created the Freedom and Justice Party (FJP), which in turn became the dominant party in a coalition of political parties called al- Tahälufal-Dimuqräti min ajli Misr, Democratic Alliance for Egypt. In the first post-Revolutionary parliamentary elections in December 2011 - January 2012, the Hizb al-Hurriya wa-l- 'Adäla, Freedom and Justice Party (FJP) won 213 seats. With its allies in the Democratic Alliance it won 235 seats (47.2 percent). Their support declined in the first round of the presidential elections, when the combined Islamist candidates received only 43.77 percent of the vote. However, in the run-off between Muslim Brother candidate Muhammad Mursi and former airforce general Ahmad Shafiq they won with a disputed 51.7 percent.708 President Mursi was ousted after repeated warnings from the Minister of Defense, ‘Abd al-Fattäh al-Sisi, not to let tensions in society grow, and following massive demonstrations on July 3, 2013. Mursi's ouster led to the formation of the Anti-Coup Alliance, also known as the National Alliance Supporting Legitimacy, which is a Muslim Bro therhood led alliance of approximately 40 Islamist parties and groups who demand that Mursi be reinstalled as president. The composition of the al 708 Hulsman 2014 (b). 184 liance has changed and it seems their discourse changed to rejecting al- Sisi's regime, more than reinstalling Mursi. On December 25,2013, after the bomb attack on the security directorate in Mansüra, the Muslim Brotherhood was declared a terrorist organization, which caused ‘Amr Darräj, one of our interviewees, to immediately leave the country. On August 9,2014, the Supreme Administrative Court ordered the dissolution and liquidation of assets of the Freedom and Justice Party. The Anti-Coup Alliance was dissolved by Prime Ministerial decree on 30 October 2014. On June 16,2015, a court upheld the death penalty of former president Muhammad Mursi, which was followed by a bomb attack killing Hishäm Barakät, Egypt's Prosecutor General.709 1.1 Dr. ‘Issäm al-Haddäd (Essam el-Haddad) Position in 2013: Leading Muslim Brotherhood member, national security adviser to President Mursi. Interview: February 25, 2013 by Cornelis Hulsman, Eline Kasanwidjojo, Prof. Abdallah Schleifer.710 Position after 2013: In prison since President Mursi was ousted on July 3, 2013. 1.2 Dr. ‘Amr Darräj (Amr Darrag) Position in 2013: Professor of Civil Engineering at Cairo University since 1988. Muslim Brotherhood member, head of the Foreign Relations Commit tee of the FJP since 2012, Secretary-General of the Constituent Assembly of 2012, Member of a multi-party delegation to the Netherlands in October 2012,711 Minister of Planning and International Cooperation in the last cabi net of President Mursi. Interviews: March 25,2013, by Cornelis Hulsman and Diana Serödio, April 8 by D. Serodio712, July 22713 and October 22,2013 by Cornelis Hulsman and Esther Schoorel. Ahmed Deiab joined October 2 2 .714 Position after 2013: Dr. ‘Amr Darräj played a role in seeking a settlement between the Muslim Brotherhood and the interim government in the 709 Hulsman 2015 (a). 710 Kasanwidjojo 2013 (a) 711 Hulsman 2012 (f). 712 Serödio 2013 (d). 713 Hulsman and Schoorel 2013. 714 Hulsman, Deiab and Schoorel 2013. 185 second half of 2013 which failed. He also regularly met senior European officials and is since December 2013, with a large number of other Muslim Brotherhood and FJP leaders, in exile in Turkey. 1.3 Dr. W alid al-Haddäd (Walid el-Haddad) Position in 2013: Member Muslim Brotherhood, Foreign Relations Spokesperson of the FJP, not family of Dr. Issäm al-Haddäd. Interviews: December 11, 2012, by Diana Serödio715 and June 13, 2013, by Eline Kasanwidjojo.716 Position after 2013: He was arrested for "inciting violence" in October 2013717 and has been in prison since his arrest. 1.4 Dinä Zakariyya Husayn Position in 2013: Muslim Brotherhood sister, mother of two children, pre senter of social and religious programs on different satellite channels, 2001 2008, co-founder of the FJP, member of the Foreign Relations Committee of the FJP. Member of a multi-party delegation to the Netherlands in October 2012.718 Interview: November 19, 2012, by Eline Kasanwidjojo.719 Position after 2013: She is not responding to calls or e-mails. 1.5 Ishtishhäd al-Bannä, Sanä‘ al-Bannä Position in 2013: Muslim Brotherhood sisters, daughters of Hasan al-Bannä. Interview: July 11,2013 by Eline Kasanwidjojo and Quinta Smit.720 Position after 2013: The interviewers do not know where they are now. 1.6 D r.W afäH afn i Position in 2013: Muslim Brotherhood sister, daughter of Sanä‘ al-Bannä and professor at al-Azhar University. Interview: July 11,2013 by Eline Kasanwidjojo and Quinta Smit.721 715 Serödio 2013 (a). 716 Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (f) 717 El Badil 2013. 718 Hulsman 2012 (f). 719 Kasanwidjojo 2013 (c) 720 Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (d). 186 Position after 2013: Dr. Wafä Hafni did not respond to efforts of the inter viewers to contact her. 1.7 ‘Ali K hafäji (Aly Khafagy) Position in 2013: Muslim Brotherhood member and Youth leader of the FJP in the Giza Governorate in 2013. Interview: April 15, 2013 by Eline Kasanwidjojo and Quinta Smit.722 Position after 2013: According to his twitter account, he is now living in Qatar.723 1.8 Muhammad Abd Allah Position in 2013: Muslim Brotherhood member and FJP Youth leader in Gi za Governorate. Interview: May 28,2013 by Eline Kasanwidjojo.724 Position after 2013: The interviewer does not know where they are now. 1.9 Ahmad Kamäl Position in 2013: Muslim Brotherhood member and FJP youth leader of Southern Cairo. Interview: June 10,2013 by Nicholas Gjorvad and Eline Kasanwidjojo. Position after 2013: According to his Facebook account, he remained in Cairo.725 1.10 Anonymous Position in 2013: working member of the Muslim Brotherhood. Interview: April 16,2013 by Eline Kasanwidjojo. Position after 2013: According to his facebook he seems to be in Cairo. 721 Ibid. 722 Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (e). 723 https://twitter.com/ alykhafagy 724 Kasanwidjojo 2013 (b). 725 https://www.facebook.com/ ahmad.elbab 187 1.11 Usama Farid Position in 2013: Businessman and head of international relations of the Muslim Brotherhood initiated Egyptian Business Development Association (EBDA). He stated that he does not represent Muslim Brotherhood thinking, though media associate him with the Muslim Brotherhood.726 Interview: June 14,2011 by Cornelis Hulsman. Farid introduced Hulsman on April 30, 2012, to Dr. Issäm al-Haddäd. Position after 2013: Member of a multi-party visit to the Netherlands in October 2012.727 Several meetings in 2012 and 2013. Left in 2013 for Istanbul where he now resides. 1.12 W a il Hadara (Wael Haddara) Position in 2013: Advisor to President Mursi, not a member of the Muslim Brotherhood but with sympathies for the Muslim Brotherhood. He came from Canada to Egypt to support the president and returned to Canada af ter Mursi had been removed. He described his views on the removal of President Mursi.728 Interview: Telephone interview with Cornelis Hulsman on September 15, 2013. Position after 2013: He is living and working in Canada. 2 Former Members of the M uslim Brotherhood Because membership of the Brotherhood is not public but secret, it is widely believed that former members of the Muslim Brotherhood are still members of the Brotherhood, or still have connections to the organization. Whether those beliefs are true or not is very difficult to ascertain. Former members of the Muslim Brotherhood can be found in: Hizb Misr al-Qawiyya (the Strong Egypt Party), formed in 2012, Hizb al-Tayyär al-Misri (the Egyptian Current Party), formed in 2011 by youth leaders who had been expelled from the Muslim Brotherhood (now dissolved, after a merger with the Strong Egypt Party) and Hizb al-Wasat (the Center Party), formed in 1996, legalized in 2011. 726 Casper 2011 (b). 727 Hulsman 2012 (f). 728 Hulsman 2013 (d). 188 2.1 Dr. ‘Abd al-M un’im Abu al-Futuh Position in 2013: Member of the Muslim Brotherhood in increasingly impor tant positions between the the 1970s and 2011. Reformist member of the Guidance Office of the Muslim Brotherhood until 2011, presidential candidate in 2012 and founder and leader of the Strong Egypt Party, secretary general of the Arab Medical Union. Interview: June 19,2013 by Eline Kasanwidjojo, Quinta Smit and Cornelis Hulsman.729 Position after 2013: Dr. Abü al-Futüh is sporadically writing for al-Shurüq. Lawyer Täriq Mahmüd filed complaints against him for "insulting the pres ident" and "inciting people to undermine state institutions." The complaint led to the Alexandria Prosecution opening an investigation in the com plaints on November 2 2 ,2015.730 2.2 Dr. Kamäl al-Hilbäw i Position in 2013: Former member of the Muslim Brotherhood and the Inter national Organization of the Muslim Brotherhood. Interviews: June 20, 2013 by Eline Kasanwidjojo731 and July 10, 2013 by Eline Kasanwidjojo and Quinta Smit.732 Position after 2013: Dr. al-Hilbäwi became a member of the Constituent As sembly in 2013. In 2013 he stated that he planned "to form a parallel apolitical body devoted exclusively to education and preaching."733 He is still talk ing to the media, and sometimes calls for reconciliation with the Muslim Brotherhood. He stated on November 11, 2015, that the Muslim Brother hood has not fielded any candidates in the Parliamentary elections and that those who claim otherwise are spreading rumors.734 On November 21,2015, he commented on the low turnout in Egypt's Parliamentary elections, and said that the reasons that people are not parti-cipating are the reasons that may result in another revolution.735 729 Hulsman, Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (b). 730 Mada Masr 2015 (a). 731 Kasanwidjojo, 2013 (d), 732 Kasanwidjojo and Smit 2013 (e). 733 AhramOnline2013 (b). 734 Zakariyyya 2015. 735 Hasan 2015. 189 2.3 Dr. Ibrähim al-Hudaybi Position in 2013: Writer, political researcher and former member of the Muslim Brotherhood, great-grandson of Hasan al-Hudaybi, second General Guide of the Muslim Brotherhood, 1951-1973 and grandson of Ma mün al- Hudaybi, sixth General Guide of the Muslim Brotherhood, 2002-2004. Interviews: April 1,2011 by Cornelis Hulsman, Arndt Emmerich and Judit Kuschnitzki736 and May 17,2013 by Eline Kasanwidjojo and Quinta Smit.737 Position after 2013: Dr. al-Hudaybi is freelance writer for al-Shurüq and Ahram Online and is affiliated with DGAP (Deutsche Gesellschaft fuer Auswaertige Politik e.v.). His main areas of study are: Shari 'a, Islamic movements and political economy of the Middle East. 3 Council of Trustees of the Revolution Organization promoting dialogue between different actors of the Revolu tion but mostly between Muslim Brothers and Salafis. Dissolved after July 3, 2013. 3.1 Ahmad N ajib Position in 2013: Founding member of the Council of Trustees of the Revo lution and a member of the Egyptian Current Party. Interview: June 18,2013 by Eline Kasanwidjojo.738 Position after 2013: During the 2011 Revolution he was working with the Coordination Committee of the Masses. Since August 2011 he has been Corporate Social Responsibility Director at FinBi. In 2014 he was a board member of the National Committee for Defence of Civil Liberties and Rights on Egypt's constitution. 3.2 Dr. Safw ät H ijäzi (Safwat Hegazy) Position in 2013: Graduated from the Faculty of Agriculture, Cairo University. Not a member of a specific political party, but an active Islamic preacher trying to bridge Salafis and the Muslim Brothers.739 Secretary- General of the Revolution's Board of Trustees, Member of the National Council for Human Rights during Mursi. Fiery preacher during the Räba 'a al- 'Adawiyya sit-in in July and August 2013. 736 Hulsman, Emmerich and Kutschnitzki 2011. 737 Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (c). 738 Kasanwidjojo 2013 (d). 739 Interview with Usäma Farid June 14, 2011. 190 Interview: July 25,2013 by Cornelis Hulsman, Ahmed Deiab and Daniela De Maria,740 and August 1,2013 by Nicholas G jorvad.741 Position after 2013: Hijäzi fled after the violent dispersal of the Räba 'a al- 'Adawiyya sit-in to Siwa Oasis, where he was arrested on August 21,2013. A trial against him started in September 2013. He is in prison until now. 4 Salafi Associations and Political Parties The first Salafi association, Ansär al-Sunna, was founded in 1926. In the late 1970's, al-Da 'wa al-Salafiyya was founded, which focused on preaching. Un til the Revolution of January 25,2011, Salafis were not organized in political parties, but there was already a distinction between quietist and jihädi- Salafis. Most Salafis followed the quietist line. Prof. Abdallah Schleifer summarizes this, saying "all jihädis are Salafis, but most Salafis are not jihädi."742 Following the Revolution, al-Nür, al-Asäla, al-Fadila and al-Isläh parties were founded between May and September 2011. Al-Nür Party is the political arm of al-Da 'wa al-Salafiyya. Al-Isläh Party is the political arm of al-Tayyär al-Salafi (the Salafi Current). The Islamist Bloc, consisting of al-Nür, the Building and Development Party and al-Asäla, won 27.8% of the vote in the Parliamentary elections of De cember 2011-January 2012, resulting in their attaining 107,13 and 3 seats respectively. Al-Nür Party members, led by then Assistant President Imäd ‘Abd al- Ghafür, launched al-Watan Party on January 1, 2013, because they disagreed with the influence of al-Da 'wa al-Salafiyya shaykhs on al-Nür Party. In June 2013,130 leading members of the party resigned - including a member we interviewed- in response to conflicts over party leadership. Al-Watan Party sided with the Freedom and Justice Party after President Mursi was deposed on July 3, 2013 and became part of the Anti-Coup Alliance, but withdrew from this on 17 September 2014. In November 2014, opponents to religious parties tried to dissolve al-Watan Party, but the Alexandria Urgent Matters Court ruled that it lacked jurisdiction. Al-Nür Party had one representative in the 2013 Constituent Assembly and participated in the 2015 Parliamentary elections. Salafis are very divided politically. After the 2011-2012 Parliamentary elec tions Salafis founded al-Sha 'b Party (the People's Party) in 2012, the political arm of al-Jabha al-Salafiyya (the Salafi Front). Al-Räya Party (the Flag Party) 740 Hulsman, Deiab and De Maria 2013; De Maria 2013. 741 Gjorvad 2013 (b) 742 Interview Cornelis Hulsman with Prof. Abdallah Schleifer on November 22,2015. 191 was created in 2013. Al-Tayyar al-Thalith (the Third Current) is a Salafi polit ical organization that was also active in 2013. 5 a l-D a W a a l-S a la fiy y a 5.1 Muhammad Ism ä il al-M uqaddim Position in 2013: Leading Salafi shaykh of al-Da 'wa al-Salafiyya (Salafi Call). He rejects democracy and subsequent involvement in politics, declined to appear in public or speak about politics. Interview (telephone): December 3,2012 by Cornelis Hulsman. Position after 2013: He is still based in Alexandria and active in al-Da 'wa al- Salafiyya 6 H izb al-N ür (al-N ür/Light Party) 6.1 Bassäm al-Zarqä Position in 2013: Leading member of al-Nür Party, advisor to President Mursi. Interview: June 18,2013 by Quinta Smit.743 Position after 2013: He was a member of the 2013 Constituent Assembly, left the Assembly in disagreement over articles dealing with religion and was replaced by another member of al-Nür Party. He is currently the Deputy President of al-Nür Party.744 6.2 Nädir Bakkär Position in 2013: Spokesperson and co-founder of al-Nür Party, married to the daughter of Bassäm al-Zarqä. Interview: June 20,2013 by Quinta Smit745. Position after 2013: He is a columnist for al-Shurüq (according to his Twitter account). His first article appeared in January 2013.746 He is no longer involved in politics, obtained a MPA Student Scholarship for a study at Har vard since summer 2015. 743 Smit 2013 (a). 744 Al-Misriyyün 2015. 745 Smit 2013 (c). 746 Bakkär 2013. 192 7 H izb a l-W atan (the H om elan d Party) 7.1 Dr. Imad ‘Abd al-Ghafur Position in 2013: President Mursi's advisor and President of al-Nür Party. He left al-Nür Party and founded al-Watan Party with a group of followers in December 2012 and launched the party on January 1,2013. Interview: December 10,2012 Diana Serödio.747 Hulsman met with Imäd ‘Abd al-Ghafür on July 25, 2013, during the Raba 'a al- 'Adawiyya sit-in. Position after 2013: ‘Abd al-Ghafür left politics after the summer of 2013 and was not visible in the media until November 2015 with an article about a meeting with Judge Täriq al-Bishri, widely believed to be linked to the Muslim Brotherhood and architect of the referendum in March 2011.748 7.2 Dr. Ahmad al-Qadri ‘Abd al-Salam (Ahmed Kadry Abdelsalam) Position in 2013: Al-Qadri obtained his PhD in engineering at Strathclyde University in the UK and became a member of al-Nür Party upon its foun dation. He was nominated by al-Nür Party to be a member of a multi-party delegation to the Netherlands in October 2012.749 In December 2012 he be came one of the founders of al-Watan Party and became its English language spokesman. Interview: February 6, 2013 by Jayson Casper.750 Position after 2013: Since he left al-Watan Party in August 2013 he is no longer active in politics. He is assistant professor in the Faculty of Engineer ing at the Arab Academy of Science and Technology and Maritime Trans port, Electrical Engineering Department, Alexandria. He does not respond to email or phone calls. 7.3 Anonymous Former Member of al-NUr and al-Watan Parties Position in 2013: This person joined al-Nür Party when it was founded in 2011. In December 2013 he became one of the founders of al-Watan Party. In May 2013 he left politics. He was never involved in politics before 2012. Interview: May 15,2013 (just after he had left politics) by Quinta Smit.751 747 Serödio 2013 (a). 748 Muftäh 2015. 749 Hulsman 2012 (f) 750 Casper 2013 (a). 751 Smit 2013 (d). 193 Position after 2013: He is teaching at an Egyptian university and is no long er involved in politics. He is disappointed with politics in general, which is why he asked to keep this interview anonymous 8 H izb a l-A säla (The A uthenticity P arty) Founded in 2011. The party is still active on Facebook. On November 21, 2015 they wrote in commemoration of the Muhammad Mahmüd street riots in November 2011 that they had been abandoned.752 8.1 Ihäb Shiha Position in 2013: al-Asäla Party leader. Interview: April 12, 2013 by Quinta Smit, Eline Kasanwidjojo and Jayson Casper. Position after 2013: The interviewers were unable to get in contact with Ihab Shiha in December 2015. 8.2 ‘Issäm al-Sharif Position in 2013: al-Asäla Party representative in Warraq, Cairo. Interview: April 17,2013 by Quinta Smit and Jayson Casper.753 Position after 2013: The official Facebook page of the party posted on Au gust 14,2013 states that he had been arrested. 8.3 Häni Fawzi Position in 2013: Member of al-Asäla Party leadership and responsible for media. Interview: April 25, 2013 by Quinta Smit.754 Position after 2013: Smit was unable to get in contact with him in December 2015. 752 https://ar-ar.facebook.com/alasala.party 753 Smit and Casper 2013. 754 Smit 2013 (b). 194 9 H izb al-F adtla (Virtue P arty) The party was founded in March 2011 and is still active on Facebook. 9.1 Mahmüd Fathi Position in 2013: al-Fadila Party head. Interview: May 30 by Quinta Smit and Aidan Mascarenhas-Keyes and June 15, 2013 by Quinta Smit and Eline Kasanwidjojo.755 Position after 2013: Mahmüd Fathi fled to Turkey after June 3 0 ,2013.756 He is still in Istanbul, and wanted in Egypt for a number of trials. Mahmüd Fathi signed a statement in solidarity with Turkey in shooting down a Russian fighter jet in November 2015.757 Turkey is widely perceived an ally of Islamists while Russia is seen as an opponent to Islamists. 10 H izb a l-Isläh (Egyptian R eform Party) Founded September 11,2011. Still active on Facebook. The chairman of the party, Dr. ‘ Atiyya Adlan, issued a statement on May 6,2015 that the future of President Mursi should not be decided by the court, but by the people, after the success of the Revolution. This is an expression of the Islamist hope that the current government of Egypt will fall through a new revolu tion. Dr. ‘Adlan is a leader in the National Alliance Supporting Legitimacy. Based on what he says, he is likely to be residing outside Egypt. 10.1 Khälid Mansür Position in 2013: Founding member, member of the leadership and spokesperson of al-Isläh Party. Interview: July 9,2013 by Quinta Smit and Eline Kasanwidjojo.758 Position after 2013: Interviewers were unable to contact him in December 2015. 755 Smit and Mascarenhas-Keyes 2013. 756 Tariq 2015. 757 ‘ Awis 2015. 758 Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (i). 195 11 A l-Jam a a a l-Is lam iy y a (Islam ic G roup)and H izb a l-b in a ' w a ltanm iyya (Building and D evelopm en t Party) Al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya was involved in violence mostly between 1992 and 1998, until the government crackdown on the organization after the No vember 17,1997, attack on Luxor which left 62 people dead, mostly tourists. The crackdown resulted in massive arrests, and a process of denouncing violence as tool to achieve objectives. The organization was dormant until 2011 and was re-activated after the January 25 Revolution and founded the Building and Development Party. 11.1 Muhammad Ahmad Position in 2013: Supporter of al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya, present at their 'No to Political Violence' rally on February 15, 2013. Interview: During the rally by Jayson Casper. Position after 2013: It is not known where he is today. 11.2 Sharaf al-D in al-Jibali Position in 2013: Member of al-Jamä'a al-Islämiyya's Guidance office in Fayyüm present at their 'No to Political Violence' rally on February 15, 2013. Interview: During the rally by Jayson Casper. Position after 2013: It is not known where he is. 11.3 Izzat al- Salamüni (Ezzat al-Salamony) Position in 2013: Member of al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya's Cairo Guidance Council. Interview: August 5 ,2012 by Jayson Casper.759 Position after 2013: Al- Salamüni died in Tura prison, August 2015.760 Jay son Casper wrote an in-memoriam in which he described al-Salamüni as "friendly, engaging, and eager to give a correct impression about Islam and al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya," but Casper found it difficult to reconcile that expe rience with al-Salamüni "angrily shouting before a crowd."761 759 Casper 2013 (c). 760 Al-Sharqäwi 2015. 761 Casper 2015. 196 11.4 A laA b u al-Nasr Position in 2013: Elected as Vice-President and Secretary General of the Building and Development Party of al-Jama 'a al-IsUmiyya’s Building and Development Party. Interview: May 11,2013 by Jayson Casper. Position after 2013: Abü al-Nasr was arrested and released in October 2015.762 11.5 Muhammad ‘Umar ‘Abd al-Rahmän Position in 2013: Member of al-Jama 'a al-Islamiyya. Son of the "Blind Sheikh" ‘Umar ‘Abd al-Rahmän, imprisoned in the USA. Interview: March 1,2012 by Jayson Casper. Position after 2013: It is not known where he is. 12 Jihädi Salafis Several jihadi Salafi organizations are active, including: Tanzim al-Jihad (Jihad Organization) - established in the 1970s. Al-Tawhid wa-l-Jihad - active between 1999 and 2004. Ansar Bayt al-Maqdis - one of the strongest militant groups in Sinai. Majlis Shüra al-M ujähidm fi-A km fBayt al-Maqdis - an early postrevolutionary militant group in Sinai. Ahl al-Sunna wa-l-Jama 'a. Interviewed members: 12.1 °Ahmad AshUsh Position in 2013: He described himself as "a leader in the jihadi-Salafis" Interview: February 27,2013 by Jayson Casper and Cornelis Hulsman.763 Position after 2013: ‘ Ashüsh was arrested in October 2013, for the terrorist attack that targeted the satellite telecomfacility in Ma adi, Cairo. According to al-Nahär he confessed that he had carried out this attack on instructions 762 Ismä‘il 2015. 763 Casper 2013 (d); Hulsman and Casper 2016. 197 of Khayrat al-Shätir of the Muslim Brotherhood and Salafi shaykh Saläh Abü Ism ä‘il.764 12.2 ‘Abd al-Bäsit al-Fashni Position in 2013: A supporter of the jihädi-Salafis. Interview: February 17,2013 by Jayson Casper. Position after 2013: His whereabouts are unknown. 12.3 Ashraf Position in 2013: An organizer at the jihädi Salafi protest at the French Embassy in Cairo on January 18,2013. He then declined to give his full name. Interview: January 18,2013 by Jayson Casper. Position after 2013: His whereabouts are unknown. 13 Islam ist scholars 13.1 Dr. Muhammad Saläh Position in 2013: al-Azhar educated Muslim scholar and well-known pre senter on the Islamic channel, Huda TV. Presenting himself as independent Muslim scholar, but widely seen as a Salafi shaykh opposed to jihädi-Salafism. Interviews: November 28,2012 by Shabana Basheer 765 and April 18,2013, by Quinta Smit and Eline Kasanwidjojo.766 Position after 2013: Presenter at Huda TV. 13.2 Dr. Nädiya Mustafä (Nadia Mustafa) Position in 2013: Professor of Political Science at Cairo University. Founding Director of Center for Civilizational Studies and Dialogue of Cultures at Cairo University.767 Later founded the Civilization Center for Political Stu dies as an independent organization with Dr. Sayf ‘Abd al-Fattäh. 764 Al-Nahär 2013. 765 Basheer 2012. 766 Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (g). 767 https://www.facebook.com/Prof.Nadia.Mustafa 198 Interviews: March 3, 2013, by Diana Serödio768, May 28, 2013, by Quinta Smit, Eline Kasanwidjojo, and Aidan Mascarenhas-Keyes769, and December 9,2013, by Jayson Casper.770 Position after 2013: In January 2014 Dr. Mustafä criticized the referendum for the revised Constitution.771 In September 2014 executive director Midhat Mähir (Medhat Maher) was detained for six months for alleged links with the Muslim Brotherhood. Dr. Mustafä stated on October 5,2015, that the cofounder of the Civilization Center for Political Studies, Dr. Sayf ‘Abd al- Fattäh, was suspended from his position at Cairo University for political reasons.772 On February 29,2016 Midhat Mähir was detained again for the same reasons.773 14 Non-Islamist Organizations, Researchers, Authors and Journalists 14.1 Jam al al-Banna (Gamal el-Banna, 1920-2013) Position in 2013: Liberal Islamic thinker, author and brother of the founder of the Muslim Brotherhood. He was critical of the Brotherhood. Interview: November 25, 2012 by Eline Kasanwidjojo, Mette Toft Nielsen and Shabana Basheer.774, Position after 2013: He passed away on January 30,2013. 14.2 Dr. ‘Abd al-M un‘im al-M ashshat (Abdul-Monem al-Mashat) Position in 2013: Liberal scholar and Dean of the Faculty of Political Science at Future University in Cairo. Interview: June 11,2013 by Cornelis Hulsman. Position after 2013: He remains in the same position. 14.3 Abd al-Rahim 'Ali Position in 2013: Senior researcher on Islamist streams running his own think-tank. 768 Serödio 2013 (c). 769 Smit, Kasanwidjojo and Mascarenhas-Keyes 2013. 770 Casper 2014. 771 Middle East Monitor 2014. 772 Rassd 2015. 773 Mada Masr 2016. 774 Kasanwidjojo 2012. 199 Interview: June 22,2013 by Cornelis Hulsman. Position after 2013: He remains in the same position and was elected as Member of Parliament in the 2015 Parliamentary elections.775 14.4 ‘Imäd Shähin Position in 2013: Professor of political science, at the American University in Cairo. Interview: April 9,2013 by Quinta Smit and Eline Kasanwidjojo.776 Position today: Prof. Shähin still teaches at AUC. 14.5 Jerome Drevon Position in 2013: A French PhD researcher studying Islamist armed groups in Egypt. Interview: April 19,2013 by Quinta Smit, Cornelis Hulsman and Eline Ka sanwidjojo.777 Position after 2013: Drevon completed his PhD in June 2015. Following his PhD he became a research fellow at the University of Manchester who specializes in political violence and insurgencies. He publishes about jihädi- Salafis. 14. 6 Mamdüh Sarür Position in 2013: An Upper Egyptian freelance journalist with al-Misri al- Yawm and other media. He spoke of his good connections to all the local Islamist groups in Asyüt though he personally opposed them. Interview: May 2,2013 by Jayson Casper. Position after 2013: He is still working as a freelance journalist. 14. 7 Ismä il Alexanderni Position in 2013: A socio-political researcher and investigative journalist with three years of experience conducting field work in the Sinai. Interview: September 29,2013 by Jayson Casper. Position after 2013: He was taken into custody on November 29, 2015 by National Security Forces.778 775 http://www.abdelrehimaly.com/ 776 Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (a) 777 Hulsman, Smit and Kasanwidjojo 2013 (a). 200 14.8 Professor Abdallah Schleifer Position in 2013: Professor Emeritus, Mass Communication, American University Cairo, Chief Editor of the Muslim 500 and Senior Fellow Arab West Foundation. Interviews: November 22, 2015 and April 7,2016 by Cornelis Hulsman. Position after 2013: Professor of Political Science at Future University. 15 Non-religious political parties and coalitions Tahaluf al-Thawra Mustamirra (Revolution Continues Alliance), a leftleaning, mostly secular alliance established on 23th October 2011. Al-Hizb al-Watanial-Dimüqräti (National Democratic Party) - Political party founded by President Anwar al-Sädät in 1978 which was dissolved in 2011 after the Revolution. Jabhat al-Inqädh al-Watani (National Salvation Front) - an alliance of political parties opposing Muhammad Mursi, created in 2012 including the political parties listed below. Hizb al-Wafd (Wafd Party or Delegation Party) - Nationalist liberal party founded in 1919. Egypt's most influential party in the 1920s and 1930s. Dis solved in 1952. Hizb al-Wafd al-Jadid (New al-Wafd Party or New Delegation Party), a natio nalist liberal political party in Egypt, established in 1978 but building on the roots of al-Wafd Party before the 1952 Revolution. 16 New al-Wafd Party 16.1 Dr. George N aji M asiha Ibrähim (George Messiha) Position in 2013: Received an award in 2005 from the Egyptian Ministry of Industry for the best Egyptian industrial project at the World Economic Fo rum in Davos 2008, where he first met with Dr. Muhammad al-Baräda‘i. He founded Jetac Inks, and became a businessman with an interest in politics. In 2006 he joined Kifäya. In 2007 he formed Egyptians Against Discrimination. In 2011 he joined the National Society of Tahrir founded by Dr. al- Baräda i. Jetac Inks floundered after the Revolution in September 2011, due to Egyptian customers delaying payments, making it impossible for him to import raw materials. MP for the New al-Wafd Party in 2012, Member of a multi-party delegation to the Netherlands in October 2012.779 Member of 778 Mada Masr 2015 (b). 779 Hulsman 2012 (f). 201 the Constituent Assembly in 2012 but walked out in November 2012. On August 19, 2013, days after the burning of tens of churches in Egypt he wrote "I also hope that common sense leads the different parts to start a real dialogue. I feel like a very tiny element in this equation. Gen. El Sisi is determined to end the short history of the MB, and on the other hand the MB is fighting to break the army and police, and then take full control over Egypt through a strict theocratic rule. We true liberals are fighting a lot for common sense and dialogue."780 Interview: November 14,2012, by Cornelis Hulsman and Diana Serödio,781 November 28,2012, by Jaco Stoop782, February 20783 and March 24,2013 by Cornelis Hulsman, Diana Serodio and Jayson Casper. Position after 2013: He quit politics and runs a pharmacy in al-Qanatir. He resurfaced in 2014 as a member of the Munich Young Leaders in 2014, In ternational Affairs Committee, Security & Defense Committee. 16.2 ‘Abd Allah al-M ughäzi Position in 2013: Spokesman of the New al-Wafd Party, assistant to the Prime Minister. Interview: May 1,2013 by Nicholas Gjorvad. Position after 2013: He was the spokesperson of the Al-Sisi Presidential campaign in 2014.784 17 H izb M isr al-H urriyya (Freedom Egypt Party) A political party "committed to freedom and human rights,"785 founded May 18, 2011. 17.1 Dr. ‘Amr Hamzäwi (Amr Hamzawy) Position in 2013: Founder of the Free Egyptians Party, professor of political science, Department of Public Policy and Administration at the American University in Cairo (since 2011), author and human rights activist. He had a travel ban in 2014 but it was lifted shortly after. 780 Email to Cornelis Hulsman, August 19, 2013. 781 Serödio 2012. 782 Stoop 2012. 783 Casper 2013 (b). 784 Hamid 2014. 785 Smit, Kasanwidjojo and Gjorvad 2013. 202 Interview: April 16,2013 by Nicholas Gjorvad, Eline Kasanwidjojo, Quinta Smit.786 Position after 2013: Prof. Hamzäwi still teaches at AUC and writes for al- Shurüq News. 18 H izb al-M isriyym a l - 'Ahrnr (Free Egyptians Party) Supports a liberal, democratic and secular order, founded by Näjib Säwiris on April 3, 2011.787 18.1 ‘Äsim Mimün (Assem Memon) Position in 2013: Deputy Managing Director of the party office of the Free Egyptians Party. Interview: June 5, 2014 by Omar Ali788 Position after 2013: Deputy Managing Director of the party office of the Free Egyptians Party. 19 H izb al-D ustür (C onstitution Party) Political party founded in 2012 by Muhammad al-Baräda‘i. 19.1 Khalid Dawüd (Khaled Daoud) Position in 2013: Spokesman for the Constitution Party, journalist, Assistant Editor-in-Chief of al-Ahram Weekly.789 Interview: April 29, 2013 by Nicholas Gjorvad. Position after 2013: He resigned as spokesman for the Constitution Party in August 2015790 but is still Assistant Editor-in-Chief of al-Ahram Weekly. 20 H izb al-M u tam ar (Congress Party) 20.1 Muhammad ‘Abd al-Latif Position in 2013: Deputy President of the Congress Party. Interview: May 30,2013 by Nicholas Gjorvad. 786 Ibid. 787 Ali 2014. 788 Ibid. 789 http://www.mei.edu/profile/khaled-dawoud 790 Daily News 2015. 203 Position after 2013: He resigned in May 2014.791 It is not known if he is still politically active. 21 A l-H izb al-M isrt a l-D im ü qrätl a l-I jt im ä 'l (Egyptian Social Democratic Party) Social, Liberal Democratic Party founded in 2011 by Dr. Muhammad Abü al-Ghär.792 21.1 M ahä ‘Abd al-Näsir Position in 2013: Deputy Secretary General of the Egyptian Social Demo cratic Party Interview: May 28,2013 by Nicholas Gjorvad. Position after 2013: According to the party's website, accessed November 26, 2015 she is still the Deputy Secretary General of the party.793 22 H izb a l-K aräm a (Dignity Party) Founded in 1996 by Hamdin Sabähi, presidential candidate in the elections of 2012 and 2014, and Amin Iskander. Left-wing Nasserist. Allied in the Parliamentary elections of 2011-2012 to the FJP in the Democratic Alliance for Egypt. During the reign of President Mursi of the FJP the party joined the National Salvation Front in opposition to the FJP and President Mursi. Al-Tayyär al-Sha 'bi al-Misri (Egyptian Popular Current) - created in 2012, advocates social justice. Closely allied with al-Karäma Party. The Egyptian Popular Current supports Hamdin Sabähi, but it is not a political party as such. It rather concentrates on social issues with its activism. 22.1 Sayyid al-Tükhi Position in 2013: Vice-President of the Dignity Party Interview: May 1, 2013 by Nicholas Gjorvad. Position after 2013: He remained with the party, but according to the Facebook page of the party he is no longer the Vice-President.794 791 ‘Abdu 2014. 792 Al-Hizb al-misri al-dimüqräti al-ijtimä‘i 2015. 793 Ibid. 794 safha rasmiyya li-Hizb al-Karäma 2015. 204 23 H izb a l- A hrar (L ibera l Party) 23.1 Ahmad Talat (Ahmed Talaat) Position in 2013: Lawyer, former deputy head of the party. Interviews: March 5,2013 by Diana Serödio and Fouad Masoud795 and June 22, 2015 by Cornelis Hulsman and Cholpon Ramizova. Position after 2013: same as in 2013 24 Other Parties Mentioned in the Book but No M em bers Inter viewed Hizb al-Tahalufal-Sha 'bi al-Ishtiräki (Socialist Popular Alliance Party) - a leftist party, created in 2011. Hizb al-Tajammu' (National Progressive Unionist Party) - a socialist political party, founded in 1977. Al-Hizb al-Watanial-Dimüqräti (National Democratic Party, NDP) - The par ty of President Husni Mubärak, defunct since his ouster. 25 April 6 Youth Movement A democratization activist group created in 2008 following a major strike of industry workers in al-Mahalla al-Kubra, an industrial town in the Delta. They were active in the January 25 Revolution and against the rule of Presi dent Mursi. The movement was banned by an Egyptian court order on 28 April 2014.796 25.1 Ahmad ‘Abd Allah Position in 2013: Lawyer and a leader of the April 6 movement's political bureau Interview: April 29, 2013 by Nicholas Gjorvad. Position after 2013: He did not respond to efforts to contact him in Decem ber 2015. 25.2 Rami al-Suw isi Position in 2013: Co-founder of the April 6 movement. Interview: May 2,2013 by Nicholas Gjorvad. 795 Serödio 2013 (e). 796 Ahram Online 2014 (b). 205 Position after 2013: He did not respond to efforts to contact him in December 2015. 25.3 ’Amal Sharaf Position in 2013: Co-founder of the April 6 movement, Foreign Media spokesman. Interview: May 2,2013 by Nicholas Gjorvad. Position after 2013: He did not respond to efforts to contact him in December 2015. 26 Tamarrud (Rebellion) A grass roots organization appealing to President Mursi for early presiden tial elections, supporting his removal on July 3,2013. Several founders and major organizers remained politically active after President Mursi had been deposed. 26.1 W alid al- Masri Position in 2013: Co-founder Tamarrud. Interview: May 30,2013 by Nicholas Gjorvad. Position after 2013: He did not respond to efforts to contact him in December 2015. 26.2 MahmUd Badr Position in 2013: Co-founder Tamarrud, official spokesman, Journalist at Al- Sabah Interview: May 30,2013 by Nicholas Gjorvad. Position after 2013: He was elected in 2015 as a Member of Parliament on the 'For The Love of Egypt' list.797 26.3 Muhammad ‘Aziz Position in 2013: Co-founder Tamarrud. Interview: July 20,2013 by Nicholas Gjorvad. Position after 2013: In 2015 he was in charge of political communication for Tamarrud and member of the Executive Office of the Egyptian Popular Cur rent Party.798 797 ‘ Afifi 2015; Abaza 2016. 206 26.4 Shim ä’ al-Tüni Position in 2013: Tamarrud activist. Interview: July 31,2013 by Nicholas Gjorvad. Position after 2013: She was volunteering for the Hamdin Sabähi presiden tial campaign in 2014 after which she left politics.799 27 Military/Security The Supreme Council for the Armed Forces (SCAF) - a statutory body, a council convening at times of war and crisis. 27.1 Anonymous Former Security Advisor for the Government in North Sinai Position in 2013: former security advisor for the governorate of Northern Sinai Interview: May 16,2013 by Jayson Casper.800 Position after 2013: His position remained unchanged 27.2 Sämih Sayf al-Yazal Position in 2013: Former Army General who turned political analyst. Interview: November 29, 2013 by Eline Kasanwidjojo. Position after 2013: Leader of the 'For the Love of Egypt' List in the Parlia mentary elections of 2015. He was elected in the Parliamentary elections of 2015 801 but passed away on April 4,2016, after a battle with cancer.802 27.3 Other Opposition to Islamists This includes the Kifäya movement, a grassroot democratization movement founded in 2004, primarily opposed to the expected transfer of power from Husni Mubärak to his son Jamäl, Süfi Muslims in various top positions in al-Azhar and others. We have interviewed people from many different po litical parties and movements but do not claim our list to be exhaustive. 798 https://twitter.com/ mohamedaziz25 799 Personal meeting Nick Gjorvad on July 15, 2014. 800 Casper 2013 (e). 801 ‘Abdel Zähir 2015. 802 Eleiba 2016; Daily News Egypt 2016. 207 Appendix 2: Index of Names of People (Cornelis Hulsman803) References are made to Appendix 1 if people have been interviewed. Names of Arabic names are given in alphabetical order of their first name since names in the Arab world are mostly name strings; first name is given, the second name is the first name of father, the third name is the first name of grandfather and the fourth name, if used, is the first name of the great grandfather. Western names, however, in this list have been sorted by family names followed by their first name. IJMES Transliteration Common spelling (if used) Description Presidents and last king of Egypt (names not repeated in index of chapters 2-6) ‘Abd al-Fattah al-Sisi Abdel Fattah el-Sisi 2014- ‘ Adli Mansür Adly Mansour 2013-2014 Muhammad Mursi Mohamed Morsi 2012-2013 Muhammad Husayn al- Tantawi Mohamed Hussein Tantawi Chairman of the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces between Mubarak's ouster and Mursi's presidency the de-facto ruler of Egypt. Husni Mubarak Hosni Mubarak 1981-2011 Anwar al-Sadat Anwar Sadat 1970-1981 [amal ‘Abd al-Nasir Gamal Abdel Nasser 1956-1970 Muhammad Najib Muhammad Naguib 1952-1956 King Farüq I Farouk I 1936-1952, died in exile in 1965 Chapter 2: The Political Participation of the Muslim Brotherhood ‘Abd al-Jalil al-Sharnübi Abd al-Gelil al-Sharnuby Egyptian journalist and for mer Muslim Brother. ‘Abd al-Mun‘im Abü al- Futüh Abdel Moneim Aboul Fotouh See Appendix 1 ‘Abd al-Mun‘im al- Mashshat Abdel-Monem al-Mashat See Appendix 1 ‘Abd al-Rahim ‘Ali See Appendix 1 With the assistance of Alastair White, Catherine Volkmann and Eildert Mulder. 209 ‘Abd al-Rahmän al-Barr Guidance Council member and Brotherhood Mufti. ‘Abd al-Wahhäb al-Masiri Abdel Wahhab Al-Massiri Islamist political thinker and author. ‘Abü al-‘Ila Mädi Co-founder al-Wasat Party in 1996. ‘Ädil As‘ad al-Khayyät Adel Asaad al-Khayyat Member of the Jamä 'a al- Islämiyya, the group responsible for the 1997 massacre in Luxor, nominated by presi dent Mursi as governor of Luxor in June 2013 resulting in mass protests and his res ignation one week later. Ahmad Kamäl See Appendix 1 Ahmad ‘Abd al-Rahmän Father Hasan al-Bannä (1906 1949). Ahmad al-Tayyib Ahmed el-Tayeb Shaykh al-Azhar since 2010. Ahmad Najib See Appendix 1 Ahmad Shafiq Ahmed Shafik Prime Minister in 2011, Presidential candidate in 2012. ‘Ali Khafäji See Appendix 1 Amir ‘Abd al- Rahmän Brother Hasan al-Bannä. ‘Amr Darräj Amr Darrag See Appendix 1 Anonymousworking mem ber of the Muslim Brother hood See Appendix 1 Bäkinäm al-Sharqäwi Pakinam Sharqawi Cairo University professor of Political Science who became assistant to President Mursi. Brown, Nathan J. Professor of political science and international affairs at George Washington Univer sity (USA). Dinä Zakariyya Husayn See Appendix 1 Fätima Al-Zanäti Fatma El-Zanaty Professor of Statistics at Cairo University. George Naji Masiha IbrähimGeorge Messiha See Appendix 1 210 Hamdin Sabähi Hamdeen Sabahi Nasserist Presidential candi date in 2012 and 2014. Hasan al-Bannä Hassan al-Banna 1906-1949, founder Muslim Brotherhood. Hasan al-Hudaybi Hassan al-Hudaybi Second Supreme Guide Mus lim Brotherhood, 1951-1973. Hishäm Za‘zü‘ Hisham Zazou Minister of Tourism with a brief interval since 2012. Hudä al-‘Awad Hoda Awad Professor Political Science Misr International Universi ty, Secretary of the Center for Arab-West Understanding, Egypt- Ibrähim al-Hudaybi See Appendix 1 Imäm al-Shahid ‘Abd al- Rahmän Brother Hasan al-Bannä. Ishtishhäd al-Bannä See Appendix 1 Isläm Lutfi Isläm Lutfi Former Muslim Brother, cofounder Egyptian Current Party in June 2011. ‘Issäm al-Haddäd Essam el-Haddad See Appendix 1 ‘Issäm al-‘Iriyän Essam el-Erian Muslim Brotherhood leader, Vice-Chairman Freedom and [ustice Party. In prison since 2013. ‘Issäm Sultän Co-founder al-Wasat Party in 1996. Jamäl ‘Abd al-Rahmän. Better known as Jamäl al-Bannä Gamal al-Banna See Appendix 1 Jamäl al-Din al-Afghäni [slamic reformist thinker (1838-1897) opposed to colonialism. Jihäd al- Haddäd Son of ‘Issäm al- Haddäd and the Brotherhood official responsible for economic re covery, in prison since 2013. Kamäl al-Hilbäwi See Appendix 1 211 Khayrat al-Shätir Khayrat al-Shater Member of al-Nizam al-Khass (the militant wing of the Bro therhood) before his return to Egypt after the death of Supreme Guide Umar al- Tilmisäni in 1986. Since 2004 Deputy Supreme Guide Mus lim Brotherhood. He was rejected participation in the 2012 presidential elections. In prison since 2013. Khalil al-‘Anäni Political analyst at al-siyasa aldawliyya (Foreign Policy) Mahmüd ‘Izzat Mahmoud Ezzat Member of al-Nizam al-Khass (the militant wing of the Bro therhood) before his return to Egypt after the death of Su preme Guide Umar al- Tilmisäni in 1986. Left in 2013 for Turkey. Ma’mün al- Hudaybi Sixth Supreme Guide Muslim Brotherhood, 2002-2004. Meijer, Roel Senior researcher on the Middle East at the Clingendael Institute, The Netherlands. Mitchell, Richard P. Professor of Near Eastern History at the University of Michigan, USA (1925-1983). Muhammad ‘Abd Allah See Appendix 1 Muhammad ‘Abduh [slamic liberal reformer (1849-1905). Muhammad al-Baräda‘i Mohammed el-Baradei Egyptian opposition leader, vice-president July-August 2013. Muhammad al-Biltaji Mohamed Beltagy Muslim Brotherhood leader who played a prominent role in the Raba 'a al- 'Adawiyya sitin. In prison since 2013. Muhammad al-Qazzäz Former Muslim Brother, cofounder Egyptian Current Party in June 2011. 212 Muhammad Badi‘ Mohamed Badie Eighth Supreme Guide Mus lim Brotherhood since 2010. [n prison since 2013. Muhammad Habib Deputy General Guide Mus lim Brotherhood during Muhammad Mahdi ‘Äkif, resigned in 2009, left the Bro therhood and became a critic of president Mursi. Muhammad Mahdi ‘Äkif Seventh Supreme Guide Muslim Brotherhood, 2004 2010. Muhammad Rashid Ridä Islamic reformist thinker (1865-1935) opposed to colonialism. Märiz Tädrus Mariz Tadros Research fellow Institute of DevelopmentStudies (UK). Nähid Lam‘iJirjis Nahid Lamei Georgios Coptic member of the FJP General Assembly and FJP's Public Relations Committee in Giza. Nädiya Mustafä See Appendix 1 Rafiq Habib Egyptian-Christian researcher, Vice President of the FJP, 2011-2012. Safwät Hijäzi Safwat Hegazy See Appendix 1 Sa‘d al-Katätni Senior FJP leader who be came speaker of the Parlia ment in 2012. Sanä‘ al-Bannä See Appendix 1 Sämih Sayf al-Yazal See Appendix 1 Samir Marqus Samir Marcos Coptic Liberal assistant to President Mursi, August November 2012. Sämüil Tädrus Samuel Tadros Research Fellow at Hudson Institute's Center for Reli gious Freedom (USA). Sayyid Qutb Muslim Brotherhood ideologue (1906-1966) hanged by [amäl ‘Abd al-Näsir. Tawädrüs II (Pope) Tawadros II (Pope) Coptic Orthodox Pope since 2012. 213 Trager, Eric Expert on Egyptian politics and the Muslim Brotherhood at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy. ‘Umar al-Tilmisäni Third Supreme Guide Mus lim Brotherhood, 1972-1986. Usäma Farid See Appendix 1 Wafä’Hafni See Appendix 1 Wä‘il Hadära Wael Haddara See Appendix 1 Walid al-Haddäd Walid el-Haddad See Appendix 1 Wickham, Carrie Rosefsky Associate Professor of Politi cal Science at the Emory Uni versity (USA). Yusuf Sidhum Yousef Sidhom Editor-in-chief of the Coptic owned weekly Watani since 1986. Chapter 3: Salafi political participation and the "Islamic Project" ‘Abd al-Mun’im Abü al-Futüh See Appendix 1 ‘Abd al-Rahmän ‘Abd al- Khäliq Leading Salafi shaykh who believed in 2012 that the po litical climate is not ready for an Islamist president but Egypt needs a pious presi dent. Abü Ishäq al-Hiwini Abu Ishaq al Heweny Leading Salafi shaykh who believes that politics is a gov ernment scheme to draw power away from Islamic movements. Ahmad al-Qadri ‘Abd al- Saläm Ahmed Kadry Abdelsalam See Appendix 1 Anonymous former member of al-Nür and al-Watan Parties See Appendix 1 Bassäm al-Zarqä See Appendix 1 Drevon, Jerome See Appendix 1 Häni Fawzi See Appendix 1 214 Häzim Saläh Abu Ismä‘il Hazem Salah Abu Is mail Leading Salafi shaykh who became involved in politics. Rejected as presidential candidate in 2012. Hishäm Qandil Prime Minister during Mursi, 2012-2013. Ihäb Shiha See Appendix 1 ‘Imäd ‘Abd al-Ghafür See Appendix 1 ‘Issäm al-Sharif See Appendix 1 Khälid Mansür See Appendix 1 Mahmüd Fathi See Appendix 1 Muhammad ‘Abd al-Maqsüd Leading Salafi shaykh of al- Da 'wa al-Salafiyya who be came involved in politics. Muhammad Ahmad See Appendix 1 Muhammad Hasan Leading Salafi shaykh of al- Da 'wa al-Salafiyya rejected democracy and subsequent involvement in politics. Muhammad Ismä‘il al- Muqaddim See Appendix 1 Muhammad Saläh See Appendix 1 Nädiya Mustafä See Appendix 1 Nädir Bakkär See Appendix 1 Sharaf al-Din al-Jibäli See Appendix 1 Yäsir Burhämi Yasser Borhamy Leading Salafi shaykh of al- Da 'wa al-Salafiyya who be came involved in politics through al-Nür Party. Yünis Makhiyyün Leading member of al-Nür Party who said that women should not be in electable positions. 215 Chapter 4: Al-Jama‘a al-Islamiyya: The Burden of History on Internal Transition ‘Abbüd al-Zumar Supplied the weapons involved in the assassination of Anwar al-Sädät. Elected in May 2011 as member Guid ance Council of al-Jamä 'a al- Islämiyya. ‘Abd al-Äkhir Hammäd Reportedly al-Jamä 'a al- Islämiyya's spiritual leader. ‘Abd al-Mun‘im Abü al- Futüh Abdel Moneim Aboul Fotouh See namelist Chapters 2 and 3 Ahmad Shafiq Ahmed Shafik See namelist Chapter 2 ‘Ala’Abü al-Nasr See Appendix 1 ‘Ali Dinari Elected in May 2011 as mem ber of the Guidance Council of al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya. ‘Äsim ‘Abd al-Mäjid Leader of the al-Jamä 'a al- Islämiyya. Elected in May 2011 as member of the Guid ance Council. Drevon, Jerome See Appendix 1 Häzim Saläh Abü Ismä‘il Hazem Salah Abu Is mail See namelist Chapter 3 Husayn ‘Abd al-‘Äl Elected in May 2011 as mem ber of the Guidance Council of al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya. Ismä‘il Alexanderni Ismä'il Alexanderni See Appendix 1 ‘Issäm Darbäla Elected in May 2011 as presi dent of the Guidance Council of al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya. ‘Izzat al-Salamüni Ezzat al-Salamony See Appendix 1 Meijer, Roel See namelist Chapter 2 Muhammad ‘Umar ‘Abd al- Rahmän See Appendix 1 Näjih Ibrähim Nagih Ibrahim Ideologue al-Jamä 'a al- Islämiyya and its vicepresident in the 1980s. Elected in the ninth and last place in the Guidance Coun cil after the January 25 Revo lution and decided to withdraw. 216 Karam Zuhdi Ideologue al-Jamä 'a al- Islämiyya and its president in the 1980s. Not re-elected in the Guidance Council after the January 25 Revolution. Khälid al-Islämbüli Khalid Islambouli The assassin of al-Sädät. Khayrat al-Shätir See namelist Chapter 2 Mamdüh Sarür See Appendix 1 Näsir ‘Abd al-Saläm Elected in 2011 as President of he Building and Develop ment Party by the Guidance Council of al-Jamä 'a al- Islämiyya. Saläh Häshim Elected in May 2011 as mem ber of the Guidance Council of al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya. Safwat ‘Abd al-Ghani Elected in May 2011 as mem ber of the Guidance Council of al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya. Elected has the head of the Parliamentary bloc of the Building and Development Party in 2012. Sharaf al-Din al-Jibäli See Appendix 1 Täriq al-Zumar Tarek al-Zumar Elected in May 2011 as mem ber of the Guidance Council of al-Jamä 'a al-Islämiyya. Elected in June 2011 by the Council as head of the Politi cal Office of the Building and Development Party. ‘Umar ‘Abd al-Rahmän Omar Abdel Rahman "The blind shaykh," convicted in the USA of seditious conspiracy. Usäma Häfiz Elected in May 2011 as vicepresident of the Guidance Council of al-Jamä 'a al- Islämiyya. 217 Chapter 5: Non-Political Islamists: The Jihadi Salafis and the Situation in Sinai ‘Abd al-Basit al-Fashni See Appendix 1 Abü Faysal A veteran of al-Tawhid wa-l- Jihäd and Salafi Shari'a court judge in al-‘Arish. ‘Ädil Shahata Jihädi Salafi possibly linked to militants in Sinai. Ahmad ‘Ashüsh See Appendix 1 Ahmad Talat Ahmed Talaat See Appendix 1 Ashraf (protester) See Appendix 1 Ayman al-Zawahiri Leader of al-Qä 'ida. Hitler, Adolf Führer of Germany (1934 1945). Ibrahim al-Mina‘i Leader of the Sawärka tribe in Sinai who was killed in Au gust 2013 by unknown mili tants. The tribe is divided. Khalaf al-Mina‘i Khalaf al-Mina'i Son of Ibrahim al-Mina'i, killed with his father by un known militants in August 2013. Khayrat al-Shatir See namelist Chapter 2 Muhammad Jamal al-Kashif (also known as Abü Ahmad) [mprisoned leading jihädi Salafi due to his connection with the Benghazi attack on the American consulate in September 2012. Muhammad ‘Ali Muhammad Ali Ruler of Egypt from 1805 to 1848. Muhammad al-Zawahiri Jihädi Salafi, brother of Ay man al-Zawahiri, leader of al- Qä ida. Mu‘ammar al-Qaddäfi Muammar al-Gaddafi President of Libya, 1969-2011. Muhammad al-Biltaji Mohamed Beltagy See namelist Chapter 2 Ramzi Muwafi Jihädi Salafi, former medical doctor of Usama bin Ladin. ‘Umar ‘Äshür Omar Ashour Visiting Fellow at the Brookings Doha Center. Usama bin Ladin Founder and leader of al- Qä 'ida until his death in 2011. Yasir Burhami Yasser Al Borhamy See Chapter 3 218 Chapter 6: Non-Islamist Political Actors in Egypt ‘Abd Allah al-Mughäzi See Appendix 1 ‘Abd al-Majid Mahmüd Abdel Maguid Mahmoud Public prosecutor appointed by Mubärak. President Mursi tried to sack him in October 2012 but failed but ultimately did so with his infamous Constitutional Declaration on November 22, 2015. Ahmad ‘Abd Allah A leader in the April 6 Movement's political bureau. Ahmad Mähir One of the founders of the April 6 Movement. Ahmad Shafiq Ahmed Shafik See namelist Chapter 2 Amal Sharaf See Appendix 1 ‘Amr Hamzäwi Amr Hamzawy See Appendix 1 ‘Amr Müsä Amr Moussa Chairman Constituent As sembly of 2013, Presidential candidate in 2012, Secretary- General of the League of Arab States, 2001-2011, Mi nister of Foreign Affairs, 1991-2001. ‘Äsim Mimün Assem Memon See Appendix 1 ’Äsmä’ Mahfüz One of the founders of the April 6 Movement. Hamdin Sabähi Hamdeen Sabahi See namelist Chapter 2 Ibrahim Mahlab Prime Minister 2014-2015. famäl Mubärak Gamal Mubarak Son of President Mubärak. Until the 2011 Revolution the deputy secretary-general of the National Democratic Party and head of its influential Policies Committee. Khälid Däwüd See Appendix 1 Khayrat al-Shätir See namelist Chapter 2 Mahä ‘Abd al-Näsir See Appendix 1 Mahmüd Badr Mahmoud Badr See Appendix 1 Muhammad ‘Abd al-Latif See Appendix 1 219 Muhammad al-Baräda‘i Mohamed El-Baradei Director General of the Inter national Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), 1997-2009. Major opposition figure in 2011-2013, briefly vicepresident of Egypt. Resigned with the bloody dispersal of the pro- Mursi sit-ins. Muhammad ‘Aziz See Appendix 1 Nabil Hilmi Liberal, professor of Interna tional Law at Zagazig Uni versity. Nuhä al-Mikäwi Noha El Mikawy Political scholar. Rabäb al-Mahdi Rabab al Mahdi Political scholar. Rämi al-Suwisi See Appendix 1 Safwat Hijäzi Safwat Hegazi See Appendix 1 Sayyid al-Tükhi See Appendix 1 Walid al-Masri See Appendix 1 Publications in transliteration and the own spellings as provided by these publications Al-Shurüq Al Shorouk Al-Misri al-Yawm Almasry Alyoum Al-Watan Elwatan Al-Yawm al-Säbi‘ El-Youm El-Sabaa 220 Appendix 3: Chronology of Events (Cornelis Hulsman) 2011 [anuary 25 Mass demonstrations in Tahrir Square. [anuary 28 Muslim Brothers join the Revolution, prisons where Mus lim Brothers and other Islamists had been imprisoned are opened. February 11 President Mubärak steps down. SCAF assume executive powers. Second half of February The Muslim Brotherhood announces the establishment of the Hizb al- Hurriya wa-l- 'Adäla (Freedom and Justice Party). March Foundation Hizb al- Fadila (Virtue Party). March 29 Foundation al-Hizb al-Misrial-Dimüqrätial-Ijtimä 'i (Egyp tian Social Democratic Party). April 3 Foundation Hizb al-Misriyyin al-Ahrär (Free Egyptians Party). May 12 Foundation Hizb al-Nür (Light Party). May 18 Foundation Hizb Misr al-Hurriyya (Freedom Egypt Party). June Foundation Hizb al-Tayyär al-Misri (Egyptian Current Par ty). June 6 The FJP receives official legal status. June 20 Foundation Hizb al-Binä ’ wa-l-Tanmiyya (Building and Development Party). July Al-Asäla Party splits from al-Fadila Party. September 11 Foundation Hizb al-Isläh (Egyptian Reform Party). November 28- January 11 Elections for People's Assembly: 68.95 percent for Islamist parties with non-Islamist parties receiving 31.05 percent. 2012 January 23 The first session of the People's Assembly is held. January 29 - February 22 Elections for Shürä Council: 73.67 percent for Islamist par ties with non-Islamist parties receiving 16.68 percent. March 17 The People's Assembly nominates first the Islamist dominated Constituent Assembly. In the following 11 days non-Islamists walk out. April 10 First Constituent Assembly dissolved by the Supreme Administrative Court. April 21 FJP leader al-Shätir presents the political (Nahda or Re naissance) plans of his party. April 28 Foundation of Hizb al-Dustür (Constitution Party). 221 May 23-24 First round of presidential elections including Mursi, Abü al-Futüh, Shafiq, Sabähi, Müsä. Islamist candidates received 43.77 per cent of the vote, non-Islamist candidates received 56.23 percent. [une 12 Islamist dominated People's Assembly elects second Constituent Assembly. [une 15 The Supreme Constitutional Court dissolves People's As sembly. June 16-17 Second round of Presidential election held; Mursi vs. Shafiq. June 24 The Presidential Election Committee announced Mursi to be the winner with 51.73 per cent against 48.27 percent for Shafiq. Shafiq disputes the results. June 30 Mursi inaugurated as president. July 5 Foundation Hizb Misr al-Qawiyya (Strong Egypt Party). September Foundation Al-Tayyar al-Sha 'bi al-Misri (Egyptian Popular Current). September 18 Foundation Hizb al-Mu ’tamar (Congress Party). October 14 Draft of the 2012 Constitution published. October 20 Foundationof the Hizb al-Sha 'b (the People's Party). November 12-20 Non-Islamists and civil society figures walk out of Con stituent Assembly. November 22 Mursi issues Presidential Decree giving him immunity to judicial oversight and with this avoid the Supreme Con stitutional Court from dissolving the Constituent Assem bly. November 24 Foundation National Salvation Front, an alliance of polit ical parties rejecting Mursi's Presidential Decree and policies to establish political control for Islamists. November 30 Second Constituent Assembly votes on draft constitution. December 8 Mursi revokes declaration of November 22. December Violence in front of the Presidential Palace prior to the referendum. December 15 Referendum approves Constitution with 63.8 per cent majority by a 31 per cent voter turnout. 2013 January 1 Al-Watan Party announces its split from al-Nür Party. February 21 President Mursi issues Presidential Decree announcing elections for People's Assembly; Shüra Council, taking the role of the Peolple's Assembly, prepares new elections law. February 27 Foundation of the Hizb al-Raya (the Flag Party). 222 March High Constitutional Court dismisses February 21 Presi dential Decree on grounds of constitutionality. April Foundation Tamarrud Movement. January 28 - July 3 Repeated warnings Minister of Defence ‘Abd al-Fattäh al- Sisi that consensus is needed if Egypt is not to fall apart. June 30 Mass protests organised by Tamarrud movement occupy public spaces across Egypt. July 3 Minister of Defence ‘Abd al-Fattäh al-Sisi deposes Mursi and announces new transitional roadmap. July4 Head of the Supreme Constitutional Court, ‘Adly Mansür, sworn in as Interim President. July 5 Mansür issues Presidential Decree dissolving the Shürä Council. July 8 Mansür outlines a new roadmap and suspends the 2012 Constitution. 51 pro-Mursi supporters killed outside of Republican Guard. July 27 Security forces open fire on pro-Mursi supporters near Räba 'a al- 'Adawiyya square, killing 82 and wounding more than 280. August 14-16 Interim government clears the Nahda and Räba 'a al- 'Adawiyya squares of pro-Mursi sit-ins, resulting in the killing of at least 817 people, mostly demonstrators. Revenge attacks on police, security and Christians occur across Egypt. Government announces State of Emergency. September 1 Mansür announces Committee of Fifty to amend the 2012 Constitution. September-ongoing until today Frequent attacks on police and army personnel, massive arrests of Muslim Brothers and other Islamist leaders fol lowed by verdicts including imprisonments and death penaties. November 4 Mursi stands trial for inciting violence and murder. November 12 State of Emergency lifted. December 14 Mansür announces national referendum for 2014 Consti tution. December 25 Muslim Brotherhood declared a terrorist organization after an attack on police headquarters in Mansüra. 2014 January 14-15 2014 Constitution approved by 98.1 per cent by 38.6 per cent of voters. January 18 2014 Constitution takes effect. 223 Bibliography Abaza, Jihad, 'Parliamentarians hopeful, analysts say parliament's role equivalent to a 'rubber stamp,'' Aswat Misriyya, January 14, 2016, http://en.aswatmasriya.com/news/view.aspx?id=18af6370-7270- 4a58-8c8b-27c088e73062. Accessed February 23, 2016. Abbink, Jan, 'The borders of dar al-islam', in: Driessen, Henk (ed.), In the House of Islam (Original title: "D e Grenzen van de dar al-islam" in: Henk Driessen, In het huis van de Islam.). Nijmegen/Amsterdam: Uitgeverij SUN, 1997. Abdel Baky, Mohamed, 'Jumping the Gun', Ahram Online, June 27,2012, http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/Archive/2012/1103/eg3.htm. Accessed February 23,2016. Abdel- Latif, Omayma, 'Nasser and the Brotherhood,' Al-Ahram Weekly, issue no. 592, June 27-July 3, 2002, http://weekly.ahram. org.eg/2002/592/special.htm. Accessed June 18, 2013. ‘Abd al-Zähir, Narmin, 'Sämih Sayf al-Yazal: "fi hubb Misr" satahsim nasibhä min ri'äsat lijän al-barlimän khiläl yawmayn,' Al-Yawm al- Säbi‘, November 24, 2015, http://goo.gl/jlqiLQ. Accessed Febru ary 2,2016. Abdel-Baky, Mohamed, 'Jumping the gun,' Al-Ahram Weekly, issue no. 1103, June 21-27, 2012, http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/archive/2012/ 1103/eg3.htm. Acessed February 2,2016. ‘Abd, Nasr, 'Istiqälat Muhammad ‘Abd al-Latif min Hizb al-Mu tamar,' Al-Bawäba, May 31,2014, http://www.albawabhnews.com/ 611058. Accessed February 10, 2016. Aboul Enein, Ahmed, 'A Feloul liberal, leftist Nasserist and social democrat walk into a Room,' Daily News Egypt, December 29,2012, http://www.dailynewsegypt.com/2012/12/29/a-feloul-liberalleftist-nasserist-and-social-democrat-walk-into-a-bar/.Accessed November 10,2013. ‘ Afifi, Hasan, 'bi-l-suwar.. masira häshida li-da‘m Mahmüd Badr bi-l- Qalyübiyya.' Al-Yawm al-Säbi‘, November 18,2015, http://goo.gl/U5ehGi. Accessed February 2,2016. Akyol, Mustafa, Islam Without Extremes: A Muslim Case for Liberty. New York: W.W. Norton & Company, Inc., 2011. 225 Al-Ali, Zaid, 'The new Egyptian Constitution: an initial assessment of its merits and flaws,' Open Democracy, December 26,2012, http:// www.opendemocracy.net/zaid-al-ali/new-egyptian-constitutioninitial-assessment-of-its-merits-and-flaws. Accessed June 9,2013. Al-Alawi, Irfan, 'Egyptian extremism sees Salafis attacking Sufi mosques,' The Guardian, April 11,2011, http://www.theguardian. com/commentisfree/belief/2011/apr/11/Salafis-attack-sufimosques. Accessed September 18, 2013. Al-Anani, Khalil, 'Brotherhood reveals its colours,' Al-Ahram Weekly, November-1 December 2010, http://www.alarabiya.net/views/ 2010/11/30/127948.html. Accessed September 1,2013. Al-Anani, Khalil, 'The Nour Party's Perilous Gamble,' Al-Monitor, July 22,2013, http://www.al-Monitor.com/pulse/originals/2013/07/ nour-party-perilous-gamble-backing-morsi-ouster.html. Accessed September 20,2013. Al-Burhami, Yasser, 'Egyptian Salafist Leader defends Nour Party,' Al- Monitor, July 22, 2012, http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/ politics/ 2013/07/egypt-Salafists-reject-brotherhood-accusationstreason.html. Accessed September 27, 2013. Al-Din, Gamal Essam, 'Egypt's constitution drafters defend eliminating controversial Sharia article,' Ahram Online, September 4, 2013. http://english.ahram.org.eg/NewsContent/1/64/80807/Egypt/ Politics-/Egypts-constitution-drafters-defend-eliminating-co.aspx. Accessed September 5, 2013. Ali, Omar, 'Interview with Assem Memon, Deputy Managing Director of the Party office of the Free Egyptians Party (FEP),' Arab-West Re port, Week 32, Art. 51, August 11, 2014, http://www.arabwestreport.info/en/year-2014/week-32/51interview-assem-memon-deputy-managing-director-party-officefree-egyptians. Accessed February 27,2016. Al-Mahdi, Rabab, 'Enough!: Egypt's quest for Democracy,' in: Comparative Political Studies 42(8), 2009,1011-1039. Al-Sharqäwi, Ahmad, 'W afät Izzat al-Salämüni al-qiyädi bi-l-Jamä‘a al- Islämiyya däkhil mahabsihi bi-sijn Turah,' Al-Shurüq, August 1, 2015, http://www.shorouknews.com/news/view.aspx7cdate0108 2015&id=abb93462-e5d6-4e68-a12c-e63b31c85c81. Accessed Janu ary 17,2016. Al-Tawy, Ayat, 'Verdict overruling Egypt prosecutor-general's appointment reignites debate,' Ahram Online, March 27, 2013, http:// 226 english.ahram.org.eg/NewsContent/1/64/67854/Egypt/ Politics-/Egyptian-court-verdict-overruling-prosecutor genera.aspx. Accessed November 10,2013. ‘Amr al-Misri, 'AWR Daily Overview,' March 4, 2012: Jamä ah leader apologizes to Copts for mistakes in 1970s, 1980s,' Arab-West Report, March 4, 2012, http://arabwestreport.info/en/year-2012/ week10/8-awr-daily-overview-march-4-2012-jamaah-leaderapologizes-copts-mistakes-1970s. Accessed August 17,2013. Anwar, Salma, 'Jihädi Principles in Context,' Arab-West Papers 3, December 2007, http://www.arabwestreport.info/jihadiprinciples-context. Accessed June 20, 2013. Ashour, Omar, 'Jihadists and post-jihadists in the Sinai,' Foreign Policy, September 5, 2013, http://mideast.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2012/ 09/05/jihadists_and_post_jihadists_in_the_sinai?wp_login_ redirect=0. Accessed October 27, 2013. Ashour, Omar, 'Myths and realities: The Muslim Brothers and armed activism; Will the Muslim Brotherhood keep its policy of peaceful activism?'Aljazeera, August 12, 2014, http://www.aljazeera.com/ indepth/opinion/2014/08/myths-realities-muslim-brothers-- 20148129319751298.html. Accessed April 7, 2016. Ashraf, Amina; Spiegel, Peter and Peel, Michael, 'EU 's Catherine Ashton meets Mohamed Morsi for talks in Egypt,' Financial Times, July 30, 2013, http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/b4a58082-f8e3-11e2-86e1-00 144feabdc0.html#axzz2mVuyKdjA. Accessed September 12,2013. Ashraf, Fady, 'Constituent Assembly member names announced,' Daily News Egypt, September 1,2013, http://www.dailynewsegypt. com/2013/09/01/constituent-assembly-member-names-out/. Accessed September 1,2013. 'Awis, ‘Amr, 'Shakhsiyyät Misriyya tad ü li-l-tadämun m a‘ Turkiya did Rüsiya,' ‘Arabi 21, November 25, 2015, http://goo.gl/pe9gVr. Ac cessed December 21, 2015. Azab, Safaa and Senegri, Azeddine, 'Interview: Al-Watan deputy leader Yusri Hamad,' Asharq Al-Awsat, January 7,2013, http://english. aawsat.com/2013/01 /article55239228/asharq-al-awsat-interviewal-watan-deputy-leader-yusri-hamad. Accessed May 8,2013. Baghat, Hossam, 'Who let the jihadis out?' Mada Masr, February 16, 2014, http://www.madamasr.com/sections/politics/who-letjihadis-out. Accessed April 12, 2014. 227 Bakkar, Nadir, 'ayyuha al-shattamün,' Al-Shurüq, January 15,2013, http://www.shorouknews.com/columns/view.aspx?cdate=01012 013&id=d126b768-a479-405c-bc97-b9b11f690c90. Accessed February 1, 2016. Balanga, Yehuda, 'Sinai: A land without a master,' Al-Monitor, June 20, 2012, http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/security/01/06/troublefrom-the-south.html. Accessed June 13,2013. Basheer, Shabana, 'Meeting with Dr. Muhammad Salah - Countering Islamophobia in the West,' Arab-West Report, Week 49, Art. 49, December 6,2012, http://www.arabwestreport.info/en/year- 2012/ week-49/49-meeting-dr-muhammad-salah— counteringislamophobia-west. Accessed July 15,2015. Botman, Selma, Egypt from Independence to Revolution, 1919-1952. New York: Syracuse, 1991. Brown, Jonathan, 'Salafis and Sufis in Egypt,' The Carnegie Papers, December 2011, http://carnegieendowment.org/files/Salafis_ sufis.pdf. Accessed February 16,2013. Brown, Nathan J., 'The Muslim Brotherhood's democratic dilemma,' The National Interest, December 1, 2011, http://nationalinterest.org/ commentary/the-muslim-brotherhoods-democratic-dilemma-6205. Accessed September 10, 2013. Casper, Jayson, 'FJP: First conference and key questions,' Arab-West Report, June 11,2011 (a), http://www.arabwestreport.info/year- 2011/week-24/25-fjp-first-conference-and-key-questions. Accessed November 12,2013. Casper, Jayson, 'Dr. Usama Farid on the Brotherhood, Hamas, and Salafis,' Arab-West Report, November 14, 2011 (b), http://www.arabwestreport.info/en/year-2011/week-46/13-drusama-farid-brotherhood-hamas-and-salafis. Accessed November 12,2013. Casper, Jayson, 'Hard choices in Egypt. Will Christians vote for the old regime?' The Christian Century, June 4,2012, http://www.chnstiancentury.org/ article/2012-06/hard-choices-egypt.Accessed November 12, 2013. Casper, Jayson, 'Profile of a modern Salafi; Dr. Ahmad al-Qadri,' Arab- West Report, Week 6, Article 20, February 6, 2013 (a), www.arabwestreport.info/year-2013/week-6/ 20-profile-modern- Salafi-dr-ahmad-al-qadri. Accessed October 20,2013. 228 Casper, Jayson, 'How Islamist was the Constituent Assembly? Analysis of former Assembly member George Masihah,' Arab-West Report, Week 12, Art. 29, March 24, 2013 (b), http://www.arabwestreport. info/year-2013/week-12/ 29-how-islamist-was-constituentassembly-analysis-former-assembly-member-george. Accessed October 20,2013. Casper, Jayson, 'Interview with Izzat al-Salamuni of the Jamä ah al- Islämiyah,' Arab-West Report, Week 47, Art. 35, November 24, 2013 (c), http://www.arabwestreport.info/en/year-2013/week- 47/35-interview-'izzat-al-salamuni-jamä'ah-al-islämiyah. Accessed October 20,2013. Casper, Jayson, 'Changing Islamist Reality: Muhammad al-Zawähiri, Ahmad Ashüsh, and the Salafi-Jihadis,' Arab-West Report, Week 47, Art. 37, November 24,2013 (d), http://www.arabwestreport.info/en/year-2013/week-47/37changing-islamist-reality-muhammad-al-zawähiri-ahmad-'ashüshand-salafi-jihadis. Accessed October 20, 2013. Casper, Jayson, 'A Security Source Speaks on the Sinai,' Arab-West Re port, Week 50, Art. 46, December 16, 2013 (e), http://www.arab westreport.info/en/year-2013/week-50/46-security-sourcespeaks-sinai. Accessed January 28, 2014. Casper, Jayson, 'Dr. Nadia Mustafa: The Hypocrisy of the Coup and its Constitution,' Arab-West Report, Week 4, Art. 2, January 26,2014, http://www.arabwestreport.info/en/year-2014/week-4 /2-drnadia-mustaf%C3%A1-hypocrisy-coup-and-its-constitution. Accessed January 28,2014. Casper, Jayson, 'In Memoriam: Ezzat al-Salamony,' Arab-West Report, Week 47, Article 10, November 19, 2015, http://www.arabwest report.info/en/year-2015/week-47/memoriam-ezzat-al-salamony. Accessed January 16,2016. Chick, Kristen, 'Egypt's liberals walk out, leaving Islamists to write a constitution,' The Christian Science Monitor, March 28, 2012, http://www.csmonitor.com/World/Middle-East /2012/0328/ Egypt-s-liberals-walk-out-leaving-Islamists-to-write-a-constitution. Accessed November 10,2013. Crompton, Paul, 'Did the Muslim Brotherhood overthrow Egypt's King Farouk?' Al Arabiya News, Sunday January 26,2014, http:// english.alarabiya.net/en/perspective/features/2014/01/26/Didthe-Muslim-Brotherhood-overthrow-Egypt-s-King-Farouk-.html. Accessed March 6,2014. 229 Daragahi, Borzou, 'Egyptians become victims of soaring crime rate,' Financial Times, May 1,2013, http://www.ft.com/intl/cms/ s/0/ 7ffac226-adab-11e2-a2c7-00144feabdc0.html#axzz2lD22DY gu. Accessed November 16, 2013. De Maria, Daniela, 'Intern Experience at Raba a A l-‘Adawiyah,' Arab- West Report, Week 31, Art. 54, July 30,2013, http://www.arab westreport.info/en/year-2013/week-31/54-intern-experiencerabaa-al-adawiyah. Accessed October 16,2013. Drevon, Jerome, 'A return of violent Islamist insurgency in Egypt?' Sada, August 13,2013, http://carnegieendowment.org/ sada/2013/08/ 13/another-violent-islamist insurgency-in-egypt/gi6m. Accessed October 16,2013. Drevon, Jerome, 'Democracy and Islamist violence: Lessons from post Mubarak Egypt,' in: Digest of Middle East Studies 23(1), 2014,1-14. East, Roger and Joseph, Tanya (eds.), Political Parties of Africa & The Middle East; A Reference Guide. London: Longman Current Affairs, 1993. Elad-Altman, Israel, 'The Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood after the 2005 elections,' Current Trends in Islamist Ideology (4), November 1, 2006, http://currenttrends.org/research/detail/the-egyptianmuslim-brotherhood-after-the-2005-elections-2. Accessed September 2, 2013. El-Dabh, Basil, 'Luxor governor tenders resignation,' Daily News Egypt, June 23,2013, http://www.dailynewsegypt.com/2013/06/23/ luxor-governor-tenders-resignation/. Accessed November 15, 2013. Eldeen, Gamal ElSayed; El-Tawy, Ayat and Fathi, Yasmin, 'Trial of Mohamed Morsi at Police Academy begins, suspended, adjourned Monday,' Ahram Online, November 4, 2013, http://english.ahram. org.eg/NewsContent/1/0/85548/Egypt/0/Trial-of-Mohamed- Morsi-at-Police-Academy-begins,-s.aspx. Accessed November 4, 2013. El-Din, Gamal Essam, 'Consolidating Power' Ahram Online, June 27, 2012, http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/Archive/2012/1103/eg1.htm. Accessed November 16,2013. Eleiba, Ahmed, 'Bedouins might form an army to defend Sinai,' Ahram Online, May 13,2013, http://english.ahram.org.eg/NewsContent/ 1/64/71311/Egypt/Politics-/Bedouins-might-form-army-tosecure-Sinai-Tribal-le.aspx. Accessed November 16,2013. 230 Eleiba, Ahmed, 'Obituary: Sameh Seif Al-Yazal; political intelligence,' Al-AhramW eekly, April 7-13, 2016, http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/ News /16025/17/ Obituary--Sameh-Seif-Al-Y azal-%E2%80%94- Political-intellig.aspx. Accessed April 16,2016 El-Gundy, Zeinab, 'W ho's who in the Egyptian Constituent Assembly,' Ahram Online, March 26,2012, http://english.ahram.org.eg/ News/37685.aspx. Accessed November 13, 2013. El-Haddad, A. E. From Islamophobia to Islamistophobia: Framing Islam ic Movements in Egyptian Newspapers after the January 25th Rev olution. M.A. Thesis Submitted to The Department of Journalism and Mass Communication, American University in Cairo, Septem ber 13, 2013, http://dar.aucegypt.edu/bitstream/handle/10526/ 3683/Aisha %20El-Haddad%20MA%20Thesis.pdf?sequence= 1. Accessed October 3,2013. Al-Masri, W ä’il, 'A l-m as’üliyya al-siyäsiyya li-jabhat Fairmont,' Al- Yawm al-Säbi‘, October 10, 2012, http://www.masress.com/ youm7/812210. Accessed August 5,2016. El Mikawy, Noha, The Building of Consensus in Egypt's Transition Process. Cairo: American University in Cairo Press, 1999. El Nahhas, Mona 'A judicious delay', Ahram Online, July 4, 2012, http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/Archive/2012/1104/eg1.htm. Accessed August 5,2016. El-Rashidi, Sarah, 'Shafiq's campaign claims candidate is winning Egypt president runoff with 52%,' Ahram Online, June 18,2012 (a), http://english.ahram.org.eg/NewsContent/1/64/45438/Egypt/P olitics-/Shafiqs-campaign-claims-candidate-is-winning-Egypt.aspx El-Rashidi, Sarah, 'The Egypt-Gaza tunnel network: A humanitarian necessity,' Ahram Online, September 5 ,2012 (b), http://english.ah ram.org.eg/NewsContent/1/64/51839/Egypt/Politics-/The- EgyptGaza-tunnel-network-Humanitarian-necessit.aspx. Accessed November 19,2013. El Sharnoubi, Osman, 'Egypt's President Morsi in power: A timeline (Part II),' Ahram Online, June 28,2013. http://english.ahram.org. eg/NewsContent/1/152/74754/Egypt/Morsi,-one-year-on/ Egypts-President-Morsi-in-power-A-timeline-Part-II.aspx. Accessed November 18,2013. El Sharnoubi, Osman, 'Egypt's Morsi defies calls to step down, offers opposition partial concessions,' Ahram Online, July 3,2013, http: //english.ahram.org.eg/News/75538.aspx. Accessed July 3, 2013. 231 El Shatar, Khairat, 'No need to be afraid of us,' The Guardian, Novem ber 23, 2005. Accessed November 18, 2013. El-Zanaty, Fatma and al-Ghazäli, Muhammad, 'Opinion poll on cancel ling or keeping Article II of the Egyptian Constitution,' in: Huls man, Cornelis (ed.), The Sharia as the Main Source of Legislation? The Egyptian Debate on Article II of the Egyptian Constitution. Marburg, Tectum Verlag, 2012, 25-100. Enein, Ahmed Aboul, 'Islamists call for Media City siege,' Daily News Egypt, March 23, 2013, http://www.dailynewsegypt.com/2013/ 03/23/islamists-call-for-media-city-siege/. Accessed September 10, 2013. Ezzat, Dina, 'Countdown to the Unknown', Ahram Online, June 20, 2012 (a), http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/Archive/2012/1102/eg2.htm. Accessed August 5,2016. Ezzat, Dina, 'Shafiq to be named president on Sunday, claim govt sources,' Ahram Online, June 22,2012 (b), http://english.ahram. org.eg/NewsContent/36/122/45876/Presidential-elections-/ Presidential-elections-news /Shafiq-to-be-named-president-on- Sunday,-claim-govt.aspx. Accessed August 5, 2016. Ezzat, Dina, 'Rabaa Al-Adawiya: After the sit-in,' Ahram Online, September 24,2013 (c), http://english.ahram.org.eg/News Content/1/151/82437/Egypt/Features/Rabaa-AlAdawiya-Afterthe-sitin.aspx. Accessed September 28,2013. Fahim, Kareem and Stack, Liam, 'Fatal bomb hits a church in Egypt,' The New York Times, January 1 ,2011,http://www.nytimes.com/2011/ 01/02/world/middleeast/02egypt.html?_r=0. Accessed June 23, 2013. Fahmy, Heba, 'Leftist parties protest against the Brotherhoodization of the state,' Egypt Independent, August 31, 2012, http://www.egypt independent.com/news/leftist-parties-protest-against-brotherhoo dization-state. Accessed June 26,2014. Fahmy, Mohamed, 'Islamist militant group resurgent in Egypt,' CNN, August 1 0 ,2011,http://edition.cnn.com/2011/WORLD/africa/ 08/09/egypt.islamists/index.html?hpt=hp_t2. Accessed October 15,2013. Fahmy, Mohamed, 'Egyptian Salafist considers Sinai the next frontier,' Al-Monitor, March 29, 2013 (a), http://www.al-monitor.com/ pulse/originals/2013/03/egyptSalafistsanaiusconsulatebenghazi. 232 html? utm_source=&utm_medium=email& utm_campaign=6768. Accessed August 10, 2013. Fahmy, Mohamed, 'The Jihadist threat in Egypt's Sinai,' Al-Monitor, July 22,2013 (b). http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/ 2013/07/jihad-threat-egypt-sinai.html?utm_source=&utm_ medium =email&utm_campaign=7832. Accessed August 8, 2013. Fahmy, Nabil, 'Egypt's IMF Loan: Necessary but fraught,' Middle East Institute, June 19, 2013, http://www.mei.edu/content/egypts-imfloan-necessary-fraught. Accessed June 21, 2013. Fleishman, Jeffery, 'Mohamed ElBaradei, Egypt's much maligned voice of reason,' Los Angeles Times, August 13,2013, http://www. latimes.com/news/nationworld/world/middleeast/la-fg-egyptelbaradei-20130814,0,2828349.story. Accessed August 15,2013. Fouad, Ahmed, 'Members of Mubarak's old party plot comeback,' Al- Monitor, May 15,2014, http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/ originals/2014/05/egypt-ndp-return-politics-sisi-brotherhood. html#. Accessed June 23,2014. Fouda, Amira, 'Muslim Brotherhood conspired with Military Council to field presidential candidate: Former member,' Al-Arabiya News, April 2, 2012, http://english.alarabiya.net/articles/2012/04/02/ 204903.html. Accessed May 10, 2012. Gamal, Wael, 'Corruption without remnants,' Ahram Online, Febru ary 21,2013, http://english.ahram.org.eg/NewsContentP/4/ 65184/ Opinion/Corruption-without-remnants.aspx. Accessed November 10, 2013. Gjorvad, Nicholas, 'The Evolution of Tamarod,' Daily News Egypt, October 12,2013 (a), http://www.dailynewsegypt.com/2013/10 /12/the-evolution-of-tamarod/. Accessed June 25, 2014. Gjorvad, Nicholas, 'Interview with Islamist preacher Safwat Hijäzi after President Mursi's disposal,' August 1,2013 (b), http://www.arab westreport.info/en/transcript-interview-islamist-preacher-safwathijäzi-after-president-mursi's-disposal Halawa, Omar, 'Egyptian religious minorities fear rise of Islamists,' Egypt Independent, June 3, 2011, http://www.egyptindependent. com/news/egyptian-religious-minorities-fear-rise-islamists. Accessed April 5, 2013. Halime, Farah, 'Egypt's long-term economic recovery plan stalls,' New York Times, May, 2,2013, http://www.nytimes.com/2013/05/02/ 233 world/middleeast/02iht-m02-egypt-renaissance.html?_r=0. Accessed November 10, 2013. Hamid, Shadi, 'How Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood will win,' Foreign Policy, November 3,2011, http://mideast.foreignpolicy.com/ posts/ 2011/11/03/how_the_muslim_brotherhood_will_win. Accessed April 4, 2013. Hamid, Shadi, 'Brother Number One,' Foreign Policy, June 7, 2012, http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles /2012/06/07/brother_nu mber_one. Accessed May 20,2013. Hämid, W alä‘, ' ‘Abd Allah al-Maghäzi.. min al-majlis al-istishäri li-laskari ila mutahaddith 'hamlat-al-Sisi', Al-Shurüq, April 8,2014, http://www.shorouknews.com/news/view.aspx?cdate=08042014 &id=d10de14c-6213-4fa9-a5a8-ee0f031e1ab9. Accessed February 10, 2016. Hamzawi, Amr and Brown, Nathan J. ,'The Egyptian Muslim Brother hood: Islamist participation in a closing political environment,' Carnegie Middle East Center, March 2010, http://carnegie-mec. org/2010/03/09/egyptian-muslim-brotherhood-islamistparticipation-in-closing-political-environment/aybv. Accessed April 2, 2013. Hasan, Amäni, 'Kamäl al-Hilbäwi: asbäb azüf al-näkhibin tu addi ila thawra wa-l-musälaha "ifäda li-l-watan" (hiwär),' al-Fajr, Novem ber 21, 2015, http://www.elfagr.org/1933371. Accessed February 5,2016. Hatina, Meir, Identity politics in the Middle East: Liberal thought and Islamic challenge in Egypt. New York: Tauris, 2007. Hearst, David and Abdel-Rahman, Hussein, 'Egypt's supreme court dissolves parliament and outrages Islamists,' The Guardian, June 14, 2012, http://www.theguardian.com/world/2012/jun/14/egyptparliament-dissolved-supreme-court. Accessed November 11, 2013. Hoebink, Michel, 'Het denken over vernieuwing en secularisatie,' in: In het huis van de Islam. Nijmegen/ Amsterdam: Uitgeverij SUN, 1997,209. Hourani, Albert, Arabic thought in the Liberal Age, 1798-1939. London: Oxford University Press, 1962. Hubbard, Ben and Kirkpatrick, David, 'Sudden improvements in Egypt suggest a campaign to undermine Morsi,' New York Times, July 10,2013. http://www.nytimes.com/2013/07/11/world/middle east/improvements-in-egypt-suggest-a-campaign-that-under 234 mined-morsi.html?ref=daviddkirkpatrick. Accessed September 10, 2013. Hulsman, Cornelis, 'Christian leader: No fear for Islamist landslide in Egypt,'Arab-West Report, Week 1, Art. 22, January 1,2012 (a), http://www.arabwestreport.info/year-2012/week-1 /22-christianleader-no-fear-islamist-landslide-egypt. Accessed September 10, 2013. Hulsman, Cornelis, The Sharia as the Main Source of Legislation? The Egyptian Debate on Article II of the Egyptian Constitution. Marburg, Tectum Verlag, 2012 (b). Hulsman, Cornelis, 'Nabil Ahmad Hilmi: A liberal scholar advocating amending Article II,' in: Hulsman, Cornelis (ed.), The Sharia as the Main Source of Legislation? The Egyptian Debate on Article II of the Egyptian Constitution. Marburg, Tectum Verlag, 2012(c). Hulsman, Cornelis, 'The harms of misreporting on Egypt's Christians,' Arab-West Papers 38,2012 (d). Paper presented at seminar of the Commission of the Bishop's Conferences of the European Com munity, European Parliament, Brussels, May 9,2012, http://www.arabwestreport.info/en/harms-misreportingegypt's-christians. Accessed April 20, 2013. Hulsman, Cornelis, 'AW R welcomes President Mursi's appointment of assistant presidents,' Arab-West Report Newsletter, August 29, 2012 (e), http://www.arabwestreport.info/awr-welcomespresident-mursis-appointment-assistant-presidents. Accessed June 15, 2013. Hulsman, Cornelis, 'Visit Egyptian Multiparty Delegation,' Arab-West Report, October 16,2012 (f), http://www.arabwestreport.info/en/ year-2012/week-42/29-visit-egyptian-multiparty-delegation. Accessed October 12,2015. Hulsman, Cornelis (ed), Die Entstehung der neuen ägyptischen Verfassung: Analyse und Bewertung. Missio: Aachen, 2013 (a) (=Menschen-rechte 53). Hulsman, Cornelis, Christen in Ägypten: Die wachsende Kluft zwischen Islamisten und Nicht-Islamisten. Missio: Aachen, 2013 (b) ^ M en schenrechte 54). Hulsman, Cornelis, 'Egypt is burning; reconciliation urgently needed,' Arab-West Report, August 16,2013 (c), http://www.arabwest report.info/en/year-2013/egypt-burning-reconciliation-urgentlyneeded. Accessed October 12,2013. 235 Hulsman, Cornelis, 'Coup d'etat or no coup d'etat: Introducing the views of former presidential advisor, Wael Haddara,' Arab-West Report, Week 49, Art. 1, December 3, 2013 (d), http://www.arab westreport.info/ en/year-2013/week-49/1-coup-d%E2%80%99% C3% A9tat-or-no-coup-d %E2%80%99%C3% A9tat-introducingviews-former-presidential-advisor-wael#sthash.PlDV5BCY.dpuf. Accessed December 12, 2013. Hulsman, Cornelis, 'Human Rights Watch report about excessive vi olence in the summer of 2013; Egyptian government angry at Hu man Rights Watch and the need for dialogue,' Arab-West Report, Week 33, Art. 8, August 16, 2014 (a), http://www.arabwestreport. info/en/ year-2014/week-33/ 8-human-rights-watch-report-aboutexcessive-violence-summer-2013-egyptian#sthash.bm1 dVH9U.dpuf. Accessed February 12, 2016. Hulsman, Cornelis, 'Was President Mohammed Morsi legitimately elected?' Arab-West Report, December 16,2014 (b), http://www.arabwestreport.info/year-2014/week-50/02-waspresident-mohammed-morsi-legitimately-elected. Accessed Janu ary 27,2015. Hulsman, Cornelis, 'Egyptian Society Deeply Polarized; Healing Needed,' Arab-West Report, July 1,2015 (a), http://www.arabwestreport.info/ en/egyptian-society-deeplypolarized-healing-needed. Accessed November 18, 2015. Hulsman, Cornelis, 'Ramadan Karim, Morsi death sentence confirmed and the war of propaganda,' Arab-West Report Newsletter, June 21, 2015 (b), http://www.arabwestreport.info/en/ramadan-karimmorsi-death-sentance-confirmed-and-war-propaganda. Accessed September 25,2015. Hulsman, Cornelis (ed.), The 2014 Egyptian Constitution in Context; Perspectives from Egypt, manuscript 215 pages to be published in 2017 Hulsman, Cornelis, Emmerich, Arndt and Kuschnitzki, Judit, 'Interview with Ibrahim al-Hudaybi (former member of the Muslim Brother hood and political activist) about the current situation in Egypt' Arab-West Report, April 1, 2011, http://www.arabwestreport. info/en/ year-2011/week-15/46-interview-ibrahim-al-hudaybiformer-member-muslim-brotherhood-and-political. Accessed September 25,2015. Hulsman, Cornelis (ed.), Serodio, Diana and Casper, Jayson 'The devel opment of Egypt's constitution: Analysis, assessment, and sorting 236 through the rhetoric,' Arab-West Report, May 2,2013. http://www.arabwestreport.info/en/development-egypt'sconstitution-analysis-assessment-and-sorting-through-rhetoric. Ac cessed August 12,2013. Hulsman, Cornelis and Schoorel, Esther, 'AW R interviews Dr. Amr Dar rag, July 22, 2013,' Arab-West Report, Week 29, Art. 23, July 22, 2013, http://arabwestreport.info/year-2013/week-29/23-awrinterviews-dr-amr-darrag-july-22-2013. Accessed July 25,2013. Hulsman, Cornelis; Deiab, Ahmed and De Maria, Daniela, 'AW R Inter views Safwat Hegazy,' Arab-West Report, Week 34, Art. 1, August 21,2013, http://www.arabwestreport.info/en/year-2013/ week-34/1-awr-interviews-safwat-hegazy. Accessed November 14, 2013. Hulsman, Cornelis; Deiab, Ahmed and Schoorel, Esther, 'AW R inter views Dr. ‘Amr Darrag, October 22, 2013,' Arab-West Report, Week 43, Art. 65, October 22,2013, http://www.arabwestreport. info/en/ year-2013/week-43/65-awr-interviews-dr-amr-darragoctober-22-2013. Accessed November 14, 2013. Hulsman, Cornelis and Casper, Jayson, 'The Ideology and Activism of Ahmad Ashüsh, currently-imprisoned Leader of the Salafi- Jihadis,' Arab-West Report, Week 6, February 8, 2016, http:// www.arabwestreport.info/en/year-2016/week-6 /ideology-andactivism-ah%CC%A3mad-ash%C5%ABsh-currently-imprisonedleader-Salafi-jihadis. Accessed February 8, 2016. Hulsman, Cornelis; Smit, Quinta and Kasanwidjojo, Eline, 'Interview with Jerome Drevon, French PhD researcher studying Islamist armed groups in Egypt,' April 19,2013 (a), http://www.arabwestreport.info/en/transcript-interview-jeromedrevon-french-phd-researcher-studying-islamist-armed-groupsegypt. Accessed February 8,2016. Hulsman, Cornelis; Smit, Quinta and Kasanwidjojo, Eline, 'Interview with Dr. ‘Abd al-M un‘im Abü al-Futüh,' June 1 9 ,2013(b), http://www.arabwestreport.info/en/transcript-interview-drabd-al-mun‘im-abü-al-futüh. August 5, 2016. Ism äil, Muhammad, 'Hizb al-Banä‘ wa-l-Tanmiyya murahhiban biikhlä‘ sabil Nasr ‘Abd al-Saläm: "m a‘rüfbi-l-silm iyya", Al-Yawm al-Säbi‘, October 8,2015, http://goo.gl/IOjzbd. Accessed February 11,2016. 237 Jung, Dietricht, 'Islamist politics after the Spring: What do Salafist parties want?' Center for Mellem0ststudier, January 2012, http://static. sdu.dk/mediafiles/2/7/A/%7B27AA3B0D-1962-4267-A1F7- A36C00CA46747o 7D0112DJx2.pdf. Accessed June 23,2013. Kantor, Brooke, 'Dam-ed if you don't: Egypt and the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam Project,' Harvard Political Review, HPRgument Posts, January 27, 2014, http://harvardpolitics.com/hprgumentposts / dam-ed-dont-egypt-grand-ethiopian-renaissance-damproject/. Accessed June 23,2014. Kasanwidjojo, Eline, 'Gamal al-Bannä: the Muslim Brotherhood is strong, but too weak to lead Egypt,' Arab-West Report Newsletter, December 1, 2012, http://www.arabwestreport.info/gamal-albanna-muslim-brotherhood-strong-weak-lead-egypt. Accessed June 5,2013. Kasanwidjojo, Eline/Interview with Egyptian national security adviser Dr. Essam Al-Haddad on Egypt's search to stability,' Arab-West Report, Week 9, Art. 67, March 4,2013 (a), http://www.arabwestreport.info/en/year-2013/week-9/67interview-egyptian-national-security-adviser-dr-essam-al-haddadegypt's-search. Accessed October 25,2013. Kasanwidjojo, Eline, 'Interview with Muhammad ‘Abd Allah (32), one of the founders of the FJP,' May 28,2013 (b), http://www.arabwestreport.info/en/transcript-interviewmuhammad- ‘ abd-allah-32-one-founders-fjp-working-within-theirgeneral-assembly. Accessed August 5,2013. Kasanwidjojo, Eline, 'Dina Zakaria of the FJP on Women in Politics,' Arab-West Journal, Spring 2013 (c), http://www.arabwestreport.info/sites/default/files/pdfs/journa ls/2013vol1issue1.pdf Kasanwidjojo, Eline, 'Interview with Ahmad Najib, Founder Council of Trustees of the Revolution in Egypt, Member of the Egyptian Cur rent Party,' June 18,2013 (d), http://www.arabwestreport.info/en/transcript-interview-ahmadnajib-founder-council-trustees-revolution-egypt-member-egyptiancurrent. Accessed August 5, 2013. Kasanwidjojo, Eline, 'Interview Dr. Kamäl al-Hilbäwi, former member of the Muslim Brotherhood Guidance Council I, June 21,2013 (e), http://www.arabwestreport.info/en/transcript-interview-drkamäl-al-hilbäwi-former-member-muslim-brotherhood-guidancecouncil-and-mb. Accessed August 5, 2016. 238 Kasanwidjojo, Eline and Smit, Quinta, 'Interview Dr. Kamäl al-Hilbäwi, former member of the Muslim Brotherhood Guidance Council II, July 10,2013, http://www.arabwestreport.info/en/transcriptinterview-dr-kamäl-al-hilbäwi-former-member-muslimbrotherhood-guidance-council-and-mb-0. Accessed August 5,2016. Kingsley, Patrick, 'Egypt's Army to step in if Anti-Morsi rallies become violent', The Guardian, June 23, 2013 (a), http://www.theguardi an.com/ world/2013/jun /23/egypt-army-demonstrationsmohamed-morsi. Accessed October 25,2013. Kingsley, Patrick, 'Muslim Brotherhood banned by Egyptian Court,' The Guardian, September 23, 2013 (b), http://www.theguardian.com/ world/2013/sep/23/muslim-brotherhood-egyptian-court. Accessed September 24, 2013. Kingsley, Patrick, 'Egypt's interim president Adly Mansour signs 'anti protest law',' The Guardian, November 24, 2013 (c), http://www. theguardian.com/ world/ 2013/nov /24/egypt-interim-presidentanti-protest-law. Accessed June 25,2014. Kingsley, Patrick, 'Egypt names Ibrahim Mahlab as new prime minister,' The Guardian, February 25,2014 (a), http://www.theguardian. com/ world/2014/feb/ 25/ egypt-new-prime-minister-ibrahimmahlab. Accessed June 23, 2014. Kingsley, Patrick, 'Abdel Fatah al-Sisi sweeps to victory in Egyptian presidential election,' The Guardian, May 29,2014 (b), http:// www.theguardian.com/ world / 2014 / may/29/abdel-fatah-al-sisisweeps-victory-egyptian-election. Accessed June 25,2014. Kirkpatrick, David D., 'Church protests in Cairo turn deadly,' The New York Times, October 9,2011, http://www.nytimes.com/2011/ 10/10/world/middleeast/deadly-protests-over-church-attack-incairo.html?pagewanted=all&_r=1&. Accessed April 5, 2013. Kirkpatrick, David D., 'Court flips Egypt's timetable: Election, then con stitution,' New York Times, April 10, 2012 (a), http://www.nytim es.com/2012/04/11/world/middleeast/court-flips-egyptstimetable-constitution-now-follows-vote.html?scp=2&sq=Egypt &st=cse&_r=0. Accessed March 20, 2013. Kirkpatrick, David D., 'Blow to transition as court dissolves Egypt's par liament,' The New York Times, June 14, 2012 (b), http://www. nytimes.com/2012/06/15/world/middleeast/new-politicalshowdown-in-egypt-as-court-invalidates-parliament.html?page wanted=all&_r=0. Accessed November 10, 2013. 239 Kirkpatrick, David D., 'Named Egypt's winner, Islamist makes history,' The New York Times, June 24, 2012 (c), http://www.nytimes. com/2012/06/25/world/middleeast/mohamed-morsi-of-muslimbrotherhood-declared-as-egypts-president.html. Accessed Novem ber 10,2013. Kirkpatrick, David D., 'Hundreds die as Egyptian forces attack Islamist protestors,' The New York Times, August 14,2013 (a), http://www.nytimes.com/2013/08/15/world/middleeast/egypt. html?_r=0. Accessed November 10, 2013. Kirkpatrick, David D .,'In Islamist Bastions of Egypt, the army treads carefully, and Christians do, too,' New York Times, September 16, 2013 (b), http://www.nytimes.com/2013/09/17/world/middle east/in-islamist-bastions-of-egypt-the-army-treads-carefully-andchristians-do-too.html?src=un&feedurl=http://json8.nytimes. com/pages/world/middleeast/index.jsonp&pagewanted= all&_r=3&. Accessed August 11, 2013. Kirkpatrick, David; Baker, Peter and Gordon, Michael, 'How American hopes for a deal in Egypt were undercut,' The New York Times, August 17,2013, http://www.nytimes.com/2013/08/18/world/ middleeast/pressure-by-us-failed-to-sway-egypts-leaders.html? smid=fb-share&_r=0. Accessed August 18, 2013. Kortam, Hend, 'Al-Dostour Party considers merging with other parties,' Daily News Egypt, July 22, 2013, http://www.dailynewsegypt. com/2013/07/22/al-dostour-party-considers-merging-with-otherparties/. Accessed July 23,2013. Lacroix, Stephane, 'Sheikhs and politicians: Inside the new Egyptian Salafism,' Policy Briefing Brookings Doha Centre, June 2012, http://www.brookings.edu/~/media/research/files/papers/201 2/6/07%20egyptian%20Salafism%20lacroix/ stephane%20lacroix% 20policyX20briefingX20english.pdf. Accessed June 6, 2013. Laub, Zachary, 'Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood,' Council for Foreign Relations, November 4,2013, http://www.cfr.org/egypt/egyptsmuslim-brotherhood/p23991. Accessed November 6, 2013. Lombardi, Clark and Brown, Nathan, 'Islam in Egypt's new Constitu tion,' Foreign Policy, December 13, 2012, http://mideast.foreign policy.com/posts/2012/12/13/islam_in_egypts_new_constitution. Accessed September 14,2013. 240 Lynch, Marc, 'The big think behind the Arab Spring,' Foreign Policy, November 28, 2011, http://foreignpolicy.com/2011/11/28/thebig-think-behind-the-arab-spring/. Accessed June 26, 2014. Maher, Hatem, 'Amr Moussa,' Ahram Online, April 2, 2012, http:// english.ahram.org.eg/NewsContent/36/124/36116/Presidentialelections-/Meet-the-candidates/Amr-Moussa.aspx. Accessed November 10,2013. Marroushi, Nadine, 'Persisting brothers,' Mada Masr, September 8, 2013, http://madamasr.com/content/persisting-brothers. Accessed November 10,2013. Meijer, Roel, 'Commanding right and forbidding wrong as a principle of social action: The case of the Egyptian al-Jama‘a al-Islamiyya,' in: Meijer, Roel (ed.), Global Salafism: Islam's New Religious Move ment. New York: Columbia University Press, 2009. Meijer, Roel, 'The majority strategy of the Muslim Brotherhood,' in: Orient I, 2013,1. Meijer, Roel and Bakker, Edwin (eds.), The Muslim Brotherhood in Europe. London: C. Hurst & Co Publishers Ltd, 2012. Meleka, Vivian, 'In supporting Shafik, Copts chose the lesser of two evils,' Examiner.com, July 20,2012, http://www.examiner.com/ article/in-supporting-shafik-copts-chose-the-lesser-of-two-evils. Accessed December 2,2013. Mitchell, Richard Paul, The Society of Muslim Brothers. New York: Oxford University Press, 1969. Mokbel, Reham, 'Egypt's Tamarod plagued by division,' Al-Monitor, March 4, 2014, http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2014 /03/tamarod-movement-egypt-divisions-elections.html#. Accessed June 26, 2014. Momani, Essma, 'In Egypt, Deep State vs. Brotherhoodization,' Brookings Institute, August 21,2013, http://www.brookings.edu/re search/opinions/2013/08/21-egypt-brotherhood-momani. Accessed August 22, 2013. Morsi, Mohamed, 'I have today become the president of all Egyptians,' The Guardian, June 25,2012, http://www.theguardian.com/commentis free/2012/jun/25/president-egyptians-mohamed-morsi. Accessed June 5, 2013. 241 Muftah, ‘Abd Allah, 'Qiyadi bi-l-Watan yakhshif haqiqat liqa ‘Abd al- Ghafür bi-l-Bishri,' Al-Misriyyün, November 11,2015, http://goo. gl/l36s9k. Accessed February 11,2016. Nawara, Wael, 'Is this an end of an era for the Muslim Brotherhood?' Al- Monitor, August 21,2013, http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/ originals /2013/08/muslim-brotherhood-ban-egypt-terroristlist.html#. Accessed August 22, 2013. Palmer, Monte; Ali, Leila, and Yassin, El Sayed, The Egyptian Bureau cracy. Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1988. Pargeter, Alison, The Muslim Brotherhood: From opposition to power. London: Saqi, 2013. Pelham, Nicolas, 'In Sinai: the uprising of the Bedouin,' New York Re view of Books, December 6, 2012, http://www.nybooks.com/ articles/archives/2012/ dec/06/ sinai-uprising-bedouin/ ? pagination=false. Accessed January 13,2014. Perry, Tom, 'Egypt Islamists say clerics must approve IMF Loan,' Reuters, February 12, 2013, http://www.reuters.com/article/ 2013/02/12/us-egypt-islamists-imf-idUSBRE91B1DA20130212. Accessed September 12, 2013. Petricic, Sasa, 'Mohammed Morsi trial adjourned until January,' CBC News, November 4, 2013, http://www.cbc.ca/news/world/ mohammed-morsi-trial-adjourned-until-january-1.2354825. Accessed November 4, 2013. Rashwan, Nada Hussein, 'Egypt's April 6: still a political force to be reckoned with?' Ahram Online, April 23,2013, http://english. ahram.org.eg/NewsContent/1/64/69893/Egypt/Politics-/ Egypts-April--Still-a-political-force-to-be-reckon.aspx. Accessed April 24,2013. Revkin, Mara, 'Shari ah courts of the Sinai,' Foreign Policy, September 20, 2013, http://mideast.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2013/09/20/ Shari'ah courtsofthesinai. Accessed October 3,2013. Rogan, Eugene, De Arabieren. Een geschiedenis. Amsterdam: De Bezige Bij, 2010, translation by Guus Houtzager of The Arabs: A History. (New York: Basic Books, 2009). Roll, Stephan, 'Gamal Mubarak and the discord in Egypt's ruling elite,' Sada, September, 1,2010, http://carnegieendowment.org/sada/ index.cfm?fa=show&article=41490&solr_hilite=National+Party+ Democratic. Accessed November 10, 2013. 242 Rubin, Barry, 'Revolutionary Salafi Islamists in Egypt: An analysis and guide,' Rubin Center for Research in International Affairs, August 3.2013, Meria Journal (17), number 2, summer-2013, http://www. gloria-center.org/2013/08/2013-06-17-02-2/. Accessed September 12.2013. Sabry, Bassem, 'Absolute power: Mursi decree stuns Egyptians,' Al- Monitor, November 22,2012, http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/ originals / 2012/al-monitor/morsi-decree-constitution-power.html. Accessed November 7, 2013. Sabry, Bassem, 'The uncertain fate of Egypt's political parties,' Al- Monitor, September 12,2013, http://www.almonitor.com/pulse/ originals /2013/09/uncertain-fate-egypts-political-parties.html. Accessed September 13, 2013. Saläh, Fady, 'Islamist parties set for merger,' Daily News Egypt, December 26, 2013, http://www.dailynewsegypt.com/2012/ 12/26/ islamist-parties-set-for-merger/. Accessed September10, 2013. Saleh, H., 'Military Chief Warns of Egypt's Collapse,' Financial Times, January 28,2013, http://www.ft.com/ cms/s/0/4114f050-69f8- 11e2-a80c-00144feab49a.html#axzz3f6HkzKFw. Accessed February 18, 2013. Saleh, Yasmine, 'Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood expels presidential hopeful,' Reuters, June 22, 2011, http://www.reuters.com/article/ 2011/06/22/ozatp-egypt-muslim-brotherhood-idAFJOE75L0412 0110622. Accessed September 20,2013. Samek, Dina, 'Egyptian opposition's dilemma: To vote or not to vote,' Ahram Online, December 11, 2012. http://english.ahram.org.eg/ NewsContentPrint/1/0/60283/Egypt/0/Egyptian-oppositionsdilemma-To-vote-or-not-to-vot.aspx. Accessed April 5, 2013. Sen, Ashish Kumar, 'Despite loss of influence in Egypt, Muslim Brother hood branches stay strong,' Washington Times, August 21, 2013, http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2013/aug/21/ despiteloss-of-influence-in-egypt-muslim-brotherh/?page=all. Accessed August 25,2013. Serodio, Diana, 'Dr. George Masiha on Non-Islamists Withdrawing from the Constitutional Assembly,' Arab-West Report, Week 47, Art. 61, November 24, 2012, http://www.arabwestreport.info/en/year- 2012/ week-47/61-dr-george-mas%C4%AB%E1%B8%A5a-non- 243 islamists-withdrawing-constitutional-assembly. Accessed Novem ber 3, 2013. Serödio, Diana, 'Dr. Imäd ‘Abd al-Ghafür - President Mursi's Advisor and President of al-Nür Party speaking on the draft constitution to be subjected to referendum on December 15, 2012,' Arab-West Re port, Week 3, Article 19, January 17,2013 (a), http://www.arabwestreport.info/en/year-2013/week-3/19-dr- 'imäd-'abd-al-ghaffür— president-mursi's-advisor-and-presidental-nür-party. Accessed November 3, 2013. Serödio, Diana, 'Interviewing Dr. Walid al-Haddäd - Coordinator of the Foreign Relations Committee of the Freedom and Justice Party - on the Constitution and the Constitutional Referendum of December 15, 2012,' Arab-West Report, Week 4, Article 22, January 17, 2013 (b), http://www.arabwestreport.info/en/year-2013/week-3/22interviewing-dr-walid-al-haddäd---coordinator-foreign-relations'committee. Accessed November 3, 2013. Serödio, Diana, 'Meeting with Nadiya Mustafa on the writing process and content of the 2012 Egyptian Constitution,' Arab-West Report, Week 9, Art. 68, March 3,2013 (c), http://www.arabwestreport.info/en/year-2013/week-9/68meeting-nadiyah-mustafä-writing-process-and-content-2012egyptian-constitution. Accessed November 3,2013. Serödio, Diana, 'Interview with Dr. Amr Darrag on the new Egyptian Constitution,' Arab-West Report, Week 16, Art. 20, April 18, 2013 (d), http://www.arabwestreport.info/ en/year-2013/week-16/20interview-dr-amr-darrag-new-egyptian-constitution#sthash.Vt4Jvu wb.dpuf. Accessed November 3,2013. Serödio, Diana, 'Interview w ithjurist Dr. Ahmed Talaat on the new Egyptian Constitution,' Arab-West Report, Week 16, Art. 21, April 18, 2013 (e), http://www.arabwestreport.info/en/year-2013/ week-16/21-interview-jurist-dr-ahmed-talaat-new-egyptianconstitution#sthash.wLFCCnV1.dpuf. Accessed November 3, 2013. Serödio, Diana, 'Post-revolutionary power struggle,' Arab-West Report, May 2, 2013 (f), http://www.arabwestreport.info/developmentegypts-constitution-analysis-assessment-and-sorting-throughrhetoric. Accessed November 16, 2013. Shalaby, Ethar, 'Makhyoun: 'We will ally with parties of Islamic persua sion, but not the FJP', Daily News Egypt, January 19,2013, http:// www.dailynewsegypt.com/2013/01/19/makhyoun-we-will-ally- 244 with-parties-of-islamic-persuasion-but-not-the-fjp. Accessed September 13,2013. Shama, Nael and Labib, Sara, 'Egypt's draft constitution: Neither theocratic nor secular,' Al-Ahram Online, January 13, 2014, http:// english.ahram.org.eg/NewsContent/4/0/91444/Opinion/Egyptsdraft-constitution-Neither-theocratic-nor-s.aspx. Accessed June 26, 2014. Sharma, Dinesh, 'BJP to become world's largest political party,' The Eco nomic Times, India Times, December 8,2014, http://articles. economictimes.indiatimes.com/2014-12-08/news/56839520_1_ membership-enrolment-drive-chief-minister-anandiben-patellargest-political-party. Accessed December 10,2014. Shehata, Said, 'Profiles of Egypt's Political Parties,' BBC, November 25, 2011, http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-middle-east-15899548. Accessed September 10, 2013. Shorbagy, Manar, 'The Egyptian movement for change- Kefaya: Redefining politics in Egypt,' in: Public Culture 19(1), 2007,175-196. Shukrallah, Salma, 'How divided is Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood?' Ahram Online, April 4, 2011, http://english.ahram.org.eg/ NewsContent/1/64/8949/Egypt/Politics-/How-divided-is- Egypts-Muslim-Brotherhood.aspx. Accessed May 20,2013. Shukrallah, Salma, 'Voter turnout surges infinal hours of Egypt presi dential runoff', Ahram Online, June 17, 2012, http://english. ahram.org.eg/NewsContent/36/122/45322/Presidentialelections-/Presidential-elections-news / Voter-turnout-surges-infinal-hours-of-Egypt-presi.aspx. Accessed August 5,2016. Shukrallah, Salma, 'Opposition to presidency opens rifts in Egypt's Is lamist current,' Ahram Online, February 11,2013 (a), http:// english.ahram.org.eg/NewsContentPrint/1/0/64335/Egypt/0/- Opposition-to-presidency-opens-rifts-in-Egypts-Is.aspx. Accessed May 20, 2013. Shukrallah, Salma, 'Once election allies, Egypt's 'Fairmont' opposition turn against Morsi,' Ahram Online, June 2 7 ,2013(b), http:// english.ahram.org.eg/News/74485.aspx. Accessed June 28, 2013. Shukrallah, Salma, 'Once election allies, Egypt's 'Fairmont' opposition turn agains Morsi' Ahram Online, June 2 7 ,2013(c), http://english. ahram.org.eg/NewsContent/1/152/74485/Egypt/Morsi,-oneyear-on/-Once-election-allies,-Egypts-Fairmont-opposition-.aspx. Accessed August 5, 2016. 245 Smit, Quinta, 'Interview with Bassäm al-Zarqä, leading member of the Nür Party, advisor to President Mursi,' June 18,2013 (a), http://www.arabwestreport.info/en/transcript-interviewbassäm-al-zarqä-leading-member-nür-party-advisor-presidentmursi. Accessed August 5, 2016. Smit, Quinta, 'Interview with Häni Fawzi, member of the Asäla Party leadership and responsible for media,' April 25,2013 (b), http://www.arabwestreport.info/ en/transcript-interview-hänifawzi-member-asäla-party-leadership-and-responsible-media. Ac cessed August 5, 2016. Smit, Quinta, 'Interview with Nädir Bakkär, Spokesman of the Nür- Party,' June 20,2013 (c), http://www.arabwestreport.info/ en/transcript-interview-nädirbakkär-spokesman-nür-party. Accessed August 5, 2016. Smit, Quinta 'Interview with anonymous former leading member of the Watan Party,' May 15, 2013 (d), http://www.arabwestreport.info /en/transcript-interview-anonymous-former-leading-memberwa%E1%B9%ADan-party. Accessed August 5,2016. Smit, Quinta and Casper, Jayson, 'Interview ‘Issäm al-Sharif: Al-Asäla Party Secretary for Warräq,' Cairo, April 17, 2013, http://www. arabwestreport.info/en/transcript-interview-‘ issäm-al-sharif-alasäla-party-secretary-warräq-cairo. Accessed August 5, 2016. Smit, Quinta and Kasanwidjojo, Eline,'AUC professor of political science Prof. Imäd Shähin speaks about Islamists in Egypt,' April 9,2013 (a), http://www.arabwestreport.info/en/transcript-interviewprof- imäd-shähin-about-islamists-egypt. Accessed August 5,2016. Smit, Quinta and Kasanwidjojo, Eline, 'Mursi overthrown - amidst fear of violence Egypt celebrates,' ArabWestReport.tumblr, July 3, 2013 (b), http://arabwestreport.tumblr.com/. Accessed July 3,2013. Smit, Quinta and Kasanwidjojo, Eline, 'Interview with Ibrähim al- Hudaybi; Former member Muslim Brotherhood, Researcher on Shari a,' May 17, 2013 (c), http://www.arabwestreport.info/en/ transcript-interview-ibrähim-al-hudaibi-former-member-muslimbrotherhood-researcher-shari a. Accessed August 5, 2016. Smit, Quinta and Kasanwidjojo, Eline, 'Interview Dr. W afä’ Hafni, Dr. Sanä' and Dr. Ishtihäd; Granddaughter and daughters of Hassan al-Bannä,' July 11,2013 (d), http://www.arabwestreport.info/en/transcript-interview-dr- 246 wafä ‘ -hafni-dr-sanä'-and-dr-ishtihäd-granddaughter-anddaughters-hasan-al. Accessed August 5,2016. Smit, Quinta and Kasanwidjojo, Eline, 'Interview Ali Khafäji, Secretary General of the Youth Division of the Freedom and Justice Party,' April 1 5 ,2013(e), http://www.arabwestreport.info/en/transcriptinterview-al%C4% AB-khaf%C4%81j%C4%AB-secretary-generalyouth-division-freedom-and-justice-party-freedom. Accessed Au gust 5,2016. Smit, Quinta and Kasanwidjojo, Eline, 'Walid al-Haddäd; Spokesperson Freedom and Justice Party,' June 1 3 ,2013(f), http://www.arabwest report.info/en/transcript-interview-wal%C4%ABd-al- %E1%B8%A5ad%C4%81d-spokesperson-freedom-and-justiceparty. Accessed August 5, 2016. Smit, Quinta and Kasanwidjojo, Eline, 'Dr. Muhammad Saläh, Huda TV, opposes the usage of the term Islamists,' April 18,2013 (g), http://www.arabwestreport.info/en/transcript-interview-drmuhammad-saläh-huda-tv-opposes-usage-term-islamists. Ac cessed August 5,2016. Smit, Quinta and Kasanwidjojo, Eline, 'Interview with Mahmüd Fathi, al-Fadila party leader II,' June 15,2013 (h), http://www.arabwestreport.info/en/transcript-interviewmahmüd-fathi-al-fadila-party-leader-ii Smit Quinta and Kasanwidjojo, Eline, 'Interview with Khälid Mansür, vice-president of al-Isläh Party,' July 9,2013 (i). http://www.arabwestreport.info/ en/transcript-interview-khälidmansür-vice-president-al-isläh-party. Accessed August 5,2016. Smit, Quinta, Kasanwidjojo, Eline and Casper, Jayson, 'Interview with Ihäb Shihä, Asäla Party leader,' April 12,2013, http://www.arab westreport.info/en/transcript-interview-ihäb-shihä-asäla-partyleader. Accessed August 5,2016. Smit, Quinta, Kasanwidjojo, Eline and Gjorvad, Nick, 'Interview Prof. Amr Hamzäwi on Islamism,' April 9, 2013, http://www.arabwestreport.info/ en/transcript-interview-profamrü-hamzäwi-islamism. Accessed August 5, 2016. Smit, Quinta, Kasanwidjojo, Eline and Mascarenhas-Keyes, Aidan, 'In terview with independent Islamist scholar Dr. Nädiya Mustafä,' May 28,2013, http://www.arabwestreport.info/en/transcriptinterview-independent-islamist-scholar-dr-nadia-mustafä. Accessed August 5, 2016. 247 Smit, Quinta and Mascarenhas-Keyes, Aidan, 'Interview with Mahmüd Fathi, al-Fadila party leader I,' May 30,2013, http://www.arabwestreport.info/en/transcript-interviewma%E1%B8%A5m%C5%ABd-fat%E1%B8%A5%C4%AB-alfa%E1%B8%8D%C4%ABla-party-leader. Accessed August 5, 2016. Soliman, Samer, 'The role of Egypt's judiciary in post-Mubarak politicalconflicts,' Ahram Online, June 21, 2012, http://english.ahram.org. eg/NewsContentP/4/45724/Opinion/The-role-of-Egypt%E2%80 %99s-judiciary-in-postMubarak-polit.aspx. Accessed November 10, 2013. Spencer, Richard, 'Islamists demonstrate in Cairo to support for Egypt's President Mohammed Morsi,' The Telegraph, December 1,2012, http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/ africaandindiano cean/egypt/9716301/Islamists-demonstrate-in-Cairo-to-supportfor-Egypts-President-Mohammed-Morsi.html. Accessed April 5, 2013. Stacher, Joshua, 'Blame the SCAF for Egypt's problems,' Foreign Policy, October 11,2011, http://mideast.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2011/ 10/11/blame_the_scaf_for_egypts_problem. Accessed April 4, 2013. Stack, Liam, 'W ith cameras rolling, Egyptian politicians threaten Ethiopia over dam,' New York Times, June 6,2013, http://thelede.blogs. nytimes.com/2013/06/06/with-cameras-rolling-egyptianpoliticians-threaten-ethiopia-over-dam/. Accessed November 18, 2013. Stoop, Jaco, 'Opposition to the draft Constitution; Interview with George Missihah, former member of Constituent Assembly,' Arab-West Report, Week 48, Art. 62, November 30,2012, http://www.arab westreport.info/en/year-2012/ week-48/62-opposition-draftconstitution-interview-george-miss%C4%ABhah-formermember#sthash.ca3eIC6z.dpuf. Accessed November 18,2013. Sultän, Jamäl 'Ittifäqiyyat Fairmont', Al-Misriyyün, July 30, 2012, http://www.masress.com/almesryoon/128836. Accessed Novem ber 18,2013. Tadros, Samuel, 'Victory or death: The Muslim Brotherhood in the trenches,' Hudson Institute, August 2,2013, http://www.hudson.org/research/9687-victory-or-death-themuslim-brotherhood-in-the-trenches.Accessed August 4, 2013. 248 Tadros, Mariz, 'Copts under Mursi,' Middle East Research and Informa tion Project 43, summer 2013, http://www.merip.org/mer/ mer267/ copts-under-Mursi. Accessed November 14, 2013. Taha, Rana Muhammad, 'The Al-Doustour rift reopens,' Daily News Egypt, April 2, 2013 (a), http://www.dailynewsegypt.com/2013 /04/02/the-al-dostour-rift-reopens/. Accessed April 3,2013. Taha, Rana Muhammad, 'ElBaradei's resignation condemned,' Daily News Egypt, August 15, 2013 (b), http://www.dailynewsegypt. com/2013/08/15/elbaradeis-resignation-condemned/. Accessed November 13,2013. Taha, Rana Muhammad, 'Tamarod likely to form political party,' Daily News Egypt, August 26,2013 (c), http://www.dailynewsegypt. com/2013/08/26/tamarod-likely-to-form-political-party/. Accessed August 27,2013. Tantawi, Muhammad Ahmad, 'al-mutahaddith al-‘askari yunshur kilmat al-Sisi bi-l-lugha al-injliziyya,' Al-Yawm al-Sabi‘, July 25, 2013, http://www.youm7.com/news/newsprint?newid=1177539. Ac cessed July 8, 2015. Tariq Muhammad,'Milishiyyat al-Ikhwan tikhtar Mahmüd Fathi munassiqan amman.. wa tatawa‘ ‘ad al-dakhiliyya,' Al-Watan, June 21, 2015, http://www.elwatannews.com/news/details/754545. Ac cessed February 1,2016. Tarek, Sherif, 'Egypt's Brotherhood and allies: Back to square one, and beyond,' Ahram Online, September 5,2013, http://english.ahram. org.eg/NewsContentPrint/1/0/80726/Egypt/0/Egypts-Brotherhood-and-allies-Back-to-square-one,-.aspx. Accessed September 5, 2013. Trager, Eric, 'The unbreakable Muslim Brotherhood: Grim prospects for a liberal Egypt,' Foreign Affairs, September-October, 2011, http:// www.washingtoninstitute.org/ policy-analysis/view/the-un breakable-muslim-brotherhood-grim-prospects-for-a-liberal-egypt. Accessed April 17,2013. Trager, Eric; Kiraly, Katie; Klose, Cooper and Eliot Calhoun, 'W ho's who in Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood,' Washington Institute, September 2012, http://www.washingtoninstitute.org/policy-analysis/view/ whos-who-in-the-muslim-brotherhood. Accessed April 7,2013. Ulitzka, Liza, 'Verglichen mit Muslimbrüdern ist al-Qaida armselig' Die Welt, July 8,2013, http://www.welt.de/ politik/ ausland/article 249 117806369/V erglichen-mit-Muslimbruedern-ist-al-Qaidaarmselig.html. Accessed November 10,2013. Wade, Nicholas, 'Egypt: What poll results reveal about Brotherhood's popularity,' BBC, August 30,2013, http://www.bbc.com/news/ world-middle-east-23846680. Accessed June 23, 2014. Wahba, Deena, 'NSF backs Tamarod, 30 June protests,' Daily News Egypt, June 9, 2013, http://www.dailynewsegypt.com/2013/ 06/09/nsf-backs-tamarod-30-june-protests/. Accessed June 25, 2014. Wellisch, Felix, 'Prof. Abdallah Schleifer on ISIS recruitment: "W hat we need is a counter jihad",' Arab-West Report, February 6,2016, http://www.arabwestreport.info/en/year-2016/week-5/profabdallah-schleifer-isis-recruitment-%E2%80% 9Cwhat-we-needcounter-jihad%E2%80%9C. Accessed February 8,2016. Wickham, Carrie Rosefsky, 'What would Hasan Al-Banna do?: Modern (re-)interpretations of the Brotherhood's founding discourse,' in: Meijer, Roel and Bakker, Edwin (eds.),The Muslim Brotherhood in Europe.London: C. Hurst & Co Ltd, 2012. Wright, Brian, 'The legal methodology of the Salafi Movement in Egypt,' MA thesis, American University of Cairo, 2012, https://dar. aucegypt.edu/handle/10526/3149. Accessed March 19, 2013. Youssef, Nariman, 'Egypt's draft constitution translated,' Ahram Online, December 2,2012, http://www.egyptindependent.com/news/ egypt-s-draft-constitution-translated. Accessed December 2, 2012. Zakariyya, Muhammad, 'Kamäl al-Hilbäwi: tarashshuh al-Ikhwän li-lbarlimän - wahm wa-iddä‘ät,' Veto, November 11,2015, http://www.vetogate.com/1897312. Accessed February 1,2016. 250 Institutional Authors Agence France-Presse (AFP), 'Muslim Brotherhood wins nearly half the Seats in the Egyptian Parliament,'Al Arabiya News, January 21, 2012, http://www.alarabiya.net/articles/2012/01/21/ 189694.html. Accessed November 5, 2013. Ahram Online, 'Bin Laden's doctor and chemical expert found in Sinai,' Ahram Online, August 16,2011 (a), http://english.ahram.org.eg/ News Content/1/64/18999/Egypt/Politics-/Bin-Ladens-doctorand-chemical-expert-found-in-Sin.aspx. Accessed August 25,2013. Ahram Online, 'NDP Offshoots,' Ahram Online, November 18, 2011 (b), http://english.ahram.org.eg/NewsContent/33/104/26897/Electio ns-/Political-Parties/NDP-Offshoots.aspx. Accessed November 10, 2013. Ahram Online, 'Official: The 100 members of Egypt's revamped Consti tuent Assembly,' Ahram Online, June 12,2012 (a), http://english. ahram.org.eg/News/44696.aspx. Accessed November 16,2013. Ahram Online, 'Shafiq win could lead to dangerous faceoff, says Bro therhood', Ahram Online, June 20,2012 (b), http://english.ahram. org.eg/NewsContent/1/64/45674/Egypt/Politics-/Shafiq-wincould-lead-to-dangerous-faceoff,-says-B.aspx. Accessed November 16,2013. Ahram Online, 'W e will respect election results: Brotherhood's Ghozlan', Ahram Online June 23 2012 (c), http://english.ahram.org.eg/News Content/1/64/45950/Egypt/Politics-/We-will-respect-electionresults-Brotherhoods-Ghoz.aspx. October 11, 2013 Ahram Online, 'English text of Morsi's Constitutional Declaration,' Ahram Online, November 22, 2012 (d), http://english.ahram. org.eg/ News/58947.aspx. Accessed October 11,2013. Ahram Online, 'Sabbahi, ElBaradei launch National Front to fight Mor si's decrees,' Ahram Online, November 24,2012 (e), http:// english.ahram.org.eg/NewsContent/1/64/59068/Egypt/Politics- /Sabbahi-ElBaradei-launch-National-Front-to-fight-.aspx. Accessed April 4, 2013. Ahram Online, 'Beleaguered Constituent Assembly votes on Egypt's draft constitution,' Ahram Online, November 29, 2012 (f), http:// english.ahram.org.eg/NewsContent/1/64/59447/Egypt/Politics- /Beleaguered-Constituent-Assembly-votes-on-Egypts-d.aspx. Accessed November 15,2013. 251 Ahram Online, 'Ex-Brotherhood figures to form new group devoted to preaching,' Ahram Online, January 10, 2013 (a), http://english. ahram.org.eg/NewsContent/1/0/62186/Egypt/0/ExBrother hood-figures-to-form-new-group-devoted-to.aspx. Accessed February 11,2016. Ahram Online, 'April 6 protesters clash with police Friday,' Ahram On line, March 29,2013 (b), http://english.ahram.org.eg/News Content/1/64/ 67991/Egypt/Politics-/April--protesters-clashwith-police-Friday-.aspx. Accessed April 4, 2013. Ahram Online, 'Shura Council approves religious slogans in future elec tions,' Ahram Online, April 2, 2013 (c), http://english.ahram.org. eg/NewsContent/1/64/68268/Egypt/Politics-/Shura-Councilapproves-religious-slogans-in-future.aspx. Accessed April 4,2013. Ahram Online, 'Rebel campaigners in Tahrir Square collect signatures of no-confidence in Morsi,' Ahram Online, May 17,2013 (d), http:// english.ahram.org.eg/NewsContent/1/0/71650/Egypt/0/Rebelcampaigners-in-Tahrir-Square-collect-signatu.aspx. Accessed May 18, 2013. Ahram Online, 'Military response to Ethiopia dam requires "Egyptian people's support": FJP head,' Ahram Online, June 5,2013 (e), http://english.ahram.org.eg/NewsContent/1/64/ 73285/Egypt/P olitics-/Military-response-to-Ethiopia-dam-requires-Egyptia.aspx. Accessed November 15,2013. Ahram Online, 'Mass Resignations in Egypt's Salafist al-Watan Party,' Ahram Online, June 15, 2013 (f), http://english.ahram.org.eg/ NewsContent/1/64/74006/Egypt/Politics-/Mass-resignations-in- Egypts-Salafist-AlWatan-Party.aspx. Accessed September 12, 2013. Ahram Online, 'Al-Watan will notjoin Pro-Mursi rallies, aiming to avoid Bloodshed,' Ahram Online, June 29,2013 (g), http://english. ahram.org.eg/NewsContent/1/64/75262/Egypt/Politics-/Al Watan-Party-will-not-join-proMorsi-rallies,-aimi.aspx. Accessed September 12,2013. Ahram Online, 'Egypt police attack Muslim Brotherhood sit ins in Cairo,' Ahram Online, August 14, 2013 (h), http://english.ahram.org.eg/ NewsContent/1/0/78982/Egypt/0/Egypt-police-attack-Muslim- Brotherhood-sitins-in-C.aspx. Accessed August 14, 2013. Ahram Online, 'Al-Gama'a Al-Islamiya won't return to violence,' Ahram Online, August 23, 2013 (i), http://english.ahram.org.eg/News Content/1/64/79765/Egypt/Politics- /AlGamaa-AlIslamiya- 252 won%E2%80%99t-return-to-violence-Leader.aspx. Accessed October 3,2013. Ahram Online, 'Islamists spurn Egypt's new charter, say referendum will be rigged,' Ahram Online, December 4, 2013 (j), http:// english.ahram.org.eg/NewsContent/1/64/88233/Egypt/Politics- /Islamists-spurn-Egypts-new-charter,-say-referendum.aspx. Accessed December 4, 2013. Ahram Online, 'Egypt court bans April 6 over espionage claims,' Ahram Online, April 28, 2014 (a), http://english.ahram.org.eg/News Content/1/64/99998/Egypt/Politics-/Egypt-court-bans-April-over-espionage-claims.aspx. Accessed June 23, 2014. Ahram Online, 'W e will not be silenced: April 6, after court order banning group,' Ahram Online, April 28, 2014 (b), http://english. ahram.org.eg/NewsContent/1/64/100015/Egypt/Politics-/Wewill-not-be-silenced-April-,-after-court-order-.aspx. Accessed February 10,2016. Al-Arabiya, 'Egypt's new charter may ban religious political parties,' al- Arabiya, August 20, 2013, http://english.alarabiya.net/en/News/ middle-east/2013/08/20/Egypt-s-new-charter-may-ban-religiouspolitical-parties-.html. Accessed August 25, 2013. Al-Badil, 'Al-Qabd 'ala Walid al-Haddäd al-mutahaddith al-rasmi li- Hizb al-Hurriya wa-l-'Adäla bi-l-Jiza,' Al-Badil, October 14, 2013, http://goo.gl/ujU9R8. Accessed November 18,2013. Al-Hayat, 'Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood Reportedly Picks New Leader,' al-Hayat, January 13,2010 in Alison Pargeter, The Muslim Bro therhood. From opposition to power. New edition. (London: Saqi, 2013). Al-Jazeera, 'Interactive: Full Egypt election results,' Al-Jazeera, February 1,2012, http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/interactive/2012/ 01/ 20121248225832718.html. Accessed June 23, 2014. AlKaheraWalNasTV, YouTube, http://www.youtube.com/watch?v= BWB2iuj1VoE, July 8,2013. Accessed October 12, 2013. Al-Misri al-Yawm, 'Täriq al-Zumar: ala-l-äqbät al-i tidhär idhä thabata da muhum li-Shafiq,' Al-Misri al-Yawm, May 25,2012, http:// www.almasryalyoum.com/node/868561. Accessed April 15,2013. Al-Misriyyün, 'Bassäm al-Zarqä: Uhadhdhir al-Ra is,' Al-Misriyyün, November 22, 2015, http://goo.gl/CxZySi. Accessed February 11, 2016. 253 Al-Monitor, 'Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood takes scholarly approach to rising Sinai extremism,' Al-Monitor, August 17,2012, http://www. al-monitor.com/pulse/security/01/08/egypts-muslim-brother hood-take-scholarly-approach-to-rising-sinai-extremism.html? utm_source =&utm_medium=email &utm_campaign=4265. Accessed June 15,2013. Al-Nahär, 'Infiräd..‘Ashüsh yatarif: dammartu al-qamar al-sinä‘i bi-l- M aäd i bi-ta‘limät min al-Shätir wa Abü Ismä il,' Al-Nahär, Octo ber 1,2013, http://www.alnaharegypt.com/t~152406. Accessed February 5, 2016. Anadolu Agency, '16 Egyptians killed in 24 hours,' Anadolu Agency, Ju ly 1,2013, http://www.aa.com.tr/en/headline/199257--16egyptians-killed-in-24-hours. Accessed July 1,2013. Associated Press (AP), 'Egypt's leader said to reach out to Sinai radicals,' Ahram Online, August 29,2012, http://english.ahram.org.eg/ NewsContent/1/64/51521/Egypt/Politics-/Egypt-leader-said-toreach-out-to-Sinai-radicals-A.aspx. Accessed October 11,2013. Associated Press (AP), 'Egypt declares Muslim Brotherhood a terrorist group,' The Guardian, December 25,2013, http://www.theguar dian.com/world/2013/dec/25/egypt-declares-muslim-brother hood-terrorist-group. Accessed December 27,2013. BBC, 'Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood declared 'terrorist group',' BBC, December 25, 2013, http://www.bbc.com/news/world-middleeast-25515932. Accessed June 25,2014. Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 'Egypt's Transition. Al Wasat Party,' Carnegie Endowment, September 16,2010, http:// egyptelections.carnegieendowment.org/2010/09/16/center-alwasat-party. Accessed May 3, 2013. Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 'Results of Shura Council elections,' Carnegie Endowment, February 29,2012, http://egypt elections.carnegieendowment.org/2012/02/29/results-of-shuracouncil-elections. Accessed September 9, 2013. Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 'April 6 Youth Move ment,' Carnegie Endowment, 2014 (a), http://carnegieendowment. org/2010/09/22/april-6-youth-movement/h3h7. Accessed June 23,2014. Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 'Kifaya,' Carnegie En dowment, 2014 (b), http://carnegieendowment.org/2010/09/22/ kifaya/h3hc. Accessed June 23,2014. 254 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 'National Democratic Party,' Carnegie Endowment, 2014 (c), http://carnegieendowment. org/2011/09/22/national-democratic-party/h2my. Accessed June 23, 2014. Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 'Tamarod,' Carnegie En dowment, 2014 (d), http://carnegieendowment.org/2013/08/19/ tamarod/h3h5. Accessed June 23, 2014. CNN, 'Muslim Brotherhood: 'W e are not seeking power',' CNN, Febru ary 10, 2011, http://edition.cnn.com/2011/WORLD/africa/02/ 09/egypt.muslim.brotherhood/index.html?hpt=C1. Accessed December 1,2013. Daily News Egypt, 'Renewed detention of anti-protest law demonstra tors condemned,' Daily News Egypt, June 24,2014, http://www. dailynewsegypt.com /2014/06/24/renewed-detention-antiprotest-law-demonstrators-condemned/. Accessed June 25,2014. Daily News Egypt, 'Khaled Dawoud resigns as Al-Dostour Party Spokes person,' Daily News Egypt, August 23,2015, http://www.daily newsegypt.com/2015/08/23/khaled-dawoud-resigns-as-aldostour-party-spokesperson/. Accessed February 10,2016. Daily News Egypt, 'Sameh Seif Al-Yazal passes away in Cairo hospital,' Daily News Egypt, April 4,2016, http://www.dailynewsegypt. com/2016/04/04/418222/. Accessed April 16,2016. Egypt Independent, 'In figures: Islamists are the unchallengeable winners of the vote,' Egypt Independent, January 7, 2012 (a), http://www.egyptindependent.com/ news/figures-islamists-areunchallengeable-winners-vote. Accessed April 5, 2013. Egypt Independent, 'FJP wins 58.8 percent of seats in Shura Council elec tions,' Egypt Independent, February 23,2012 (b), http://www. egyptindependent.com/news/fjp-wins-588-percent-seats-shuracouncil-elections. Accessed November 8, 2013. Egypt Independent, 'Liberal parties withdraw Constituent Assembly session,' Egypt Independent, March, 24,2012 (c), http://www. egyptindependent.com/news / liberal-parties-withdrawconstituent-assembly-session. Accessed November 10, 2013. Egypt Independent, 'Court verdict will dissolve People's Assembly, says election official,' Egypt Independent, June 14,2012 (d), http:// www.egyptindependent.com/news/ court-verdict-will-dissolvepeoples-assembly-says-elections-official. Accessed April 5, 2013. 255 Egypt Independent, 'Salafi MPs hold seminars in Sinai to counter extremism,' Egypt Independent, August 23, 2012 (e), http://www. egyptindependent.com/news/Salafi-mps-hold-seminars-sinaicounter-extremism. Accessed October 12,2013. Egypt Independent, 'Brother of al-Qaeda leader offers truce with US,' Egypt Independent, September 11,2012 (f), http://www.egypt independent.com/news/brother-al-qaeda-leader-offers-truce-us. Accessed November 14, 2013. Egypt Independent, 'W e will fight for Shari ah, even if blood is shed,' Egypt Independent, October 13,2012 (g), http://www.egypt independent.com/news/jama-al-islamiya-we-will-fight-shariaeven-if-blood-shed. Accessed August 11,2013. Egypt Independent, 'Update: Four reported dead in presidential palace clashes,' Egypt Independent, December 5 ,2012 (h), http://www. egyptindependent.com/news/update-four-reported-deadpresidential-palace-clashes. Accessed November 15, 2013. Egypt Independent, 'Egypt's Constitution Passes with 63.8% Approval Rate,' Egypt Independent, December 25, 2012 (i), http://www. egyptindependent.com/news/egypt-s-constitution-passes-638percent-approval-rate. Accessed September 14, 2013. Egypt Independent, 'Salafis plan Tahrir demo to protest Iran, Shia relations,' Egypt Independent, March 3, 2013 (a), http://www.egypt independent.com/news/Salafis-plan-tahrir-demo-protest-iranshia-relations. Accessed April 5,2013. Egypt Independent, 'Morsy appoints 7 new Brotherhood governors,' Egypt Independent, June 17, 2013 (b), http://www.egypt independent.com/news/morsy-appoints-7-new-brotherhoodgovernors. Accessed November 13, 2013. Egypt Independent, 'Brotherhood rejects reconciliation talks, Nour Party sets conditions,' Egypt Independent, July 24, 2013 (c), http:// www.egyptindependent.com/news/brotherhood-rejectsreconciliation-talks-nour-party-sets-conditions. Accessed Novem ber 13,2013. Egypt Independent, 'Brotherhood spokesman denies justifying church attacks,' Egypt Independent, August 17, 2013 (d), http://www. egyptindependent.com/news/brotherhood-spokesperson-deniesjustifying-church-attacks. Accessed November 10, 2013. Egypt Independent, 'Sabbahi: No backing down on constitutional Sharia,' Egypt Independent, August 29,2013 (e), http://www.egypt 256 independent.com/news/sabbahi-no-backing-down-constitutionalsharia. Accessed August 30,2013. Freedom and Justice Party, 'Election Program Parliamentary Elections 2011,' 2011, http://www.fjponline.com/uploads/FJPprogram.pdf. Accessed November 6, 2013. Hizb al-misri al-dimüqräti al-ijtimä‘i, 'al-maktab al-tanfidhi,' Hizb al-misri al-dimüqräti al-ijtimä‘i, November 15, 2015, http://www.egysdp.com/site/index.php? option=com_content&view=article&id=299&Itemid=237. Accessed November 15,2015. Human Rights Watch, 'Egypt: Government uses national security to stifle dissent,' HRW, June 20,2005, http://www.hrw.org/en/news/ 2005/06/20/egypt-government-uses-national-security-stifledissent. Accessed November 6, 2013. Human Rights Watch, 'Elections in Egypt state of permanent emergency incompatible with free and fair vote,' HRW, December 2010, http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/egypt1110Web forPosting.pdf. Accessed November 6,2013. Ikhwanweb 'The complete works of Imam Hassan al-Bannä al Banna 1906-1949,' June, 6,2008, http://thequranblog.files.wordpress.com /2008/06/_6_-our-message.pdf. Accessed March 10,2013. Ikhwanweb, 'MB announces establishment of political party: Freedom and Justice,' Ikhwanweb, February 21,2011 (a), http://www.ikh wan web.com/article.php?id=28077. Accessed November 16, 2013. Ikhwanweb 'MB Chairman: We seek to participate, not dominate elec tions,' Ikhwanweb, April 20,2011 (b), http://www.ikhwanweb. com/article.php?id=28432. Accessed November 10,2013. Ikhwanweb 'The principles of the Muslim Brotherhood,' Ikhwanweb, February 1,2012 (a), http://www.ikhwanweb.com/article.php? id=813. Accessed March 10,2013. Ikhwanweb 'FJP Press Release # 15 Egyptian Shura Council election results,' Ikhwanweb, February 26, 2012 (b), http://www.ikhwan web.com/article.php?id=29719. Accessed November 10,2013. Ikhwanweb 'Dr. Morsi's electoral program - General features of Nahda (Renaissance) Project,' Ikhwanweb, April 28, 2012 (c), http://www. ikhwanweb.com/article.php?id=29932. Accessed November 5, 2013. Ikhwanweb 'Morsi Campaign Press Conference at Fairmont Hotel to Discuss Latest Developments', Ikhwanweb, June 22, 2012 (d), 257 http://www.ikhwanweb.com/article.php?id=30125. Accessed November 10,2013. Ikhwanweb 'Coptic candidate for Freedom and Justice Party Secretary- General Post: FJP for all Egyptians,' Ikhwanweb, October 18,2012 (e ), http://www.ikhwanweb.com/article.php?id=30337. Accessed October 18,2013. Mada Masr, 'Islamic parties abandon support for Brotherhood,' Mada Masr, August 14,2013, http://www.madamasr.com/news/ islamic-parties-abandon-support-brotherhood. Accessed Septem ber 12,2013. Mada Masr, 'Complaint filed against Abdel Moneim Abouel Fotouh for insulting the president,' Mada Masr, November 23,2015 (a), http://www.madamasr.com/news/ complaint-filed-against-abdelmoneim-abouel-fotouh-insulting-president. Accessed February 5, 2016. Mada Masr, 'Update: Detainedjournalist Ismail Alexandrani's interroga tion postponed, lawyers denied access,' Mada Masr, December 3, 2015 (b), http://www.madamasr.com/news/update-detainedjournalist-ismail-alexandranis-interrogation-postponed-lawyersdenied-access. Accessed February 10, 2016. Mada Masr, 'Researcher of Islamist movements arrested for alleged Bro therhood links,' Mada Masr, February 29,2016, http://www. mada masr.com/news/researcher-islamist-movements-arrestedalleged-brotherhood-links. March 10, 2016. Middle East Monitor, 'Egyptian political scientist: coup in trouble fol lowing sham referendum,' Middle East Monitor, January 23, 2014, https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/news/middle-east/9388egyptian-political-scientist-coup-in-trouble-following-shamreferendum. Accessed February 11,2016. Rassd, 'Dr. Nadia Mustafa: Firing of Dr. Seif Abdel Fatah is political filtering,' Rassd, October 5,2015, http://rassd.com/159648.htm. Accessed February 3,2016. Reuters, 'Gunmen kill tribal leader and son in Sinai,' Egypt Independent, August 13,2013, http://www.egyptindependent.com/news/ gunmen-kill-tribal-leader-and-son-sinai. Accessed September 25, 2013. Russia Today, 'Clinging to power? Muslim Brotherhood announces pres idential candidate,' Rt.com, April 2, 2012, https://www.rt.com/ 258 news/ muslim-brotherhood-presidential-candidate-052/. Accessed November 4, 2013. 'safha rasmiyya li-Hizb al-Karäma,' Facebook, https://goo.gl/wncZJ7. Accessed November 15,2015. Thequranblog, 'The complete works of Imam Hassan al Banna 1906 1949,' June 2008, http://thequranblog.files. wordpress.com/ 2008/06/_6_-our- message.pdf. Accessed March 10, 2013. 259 About the Authors Jayson Casper, MA in Islamic studies, Columbia International University (2009) and has been a researcher with CAWU since 2009. Nicholas Gjorvad, MSc in Philosophy (2010) and Islamic and Middle Eastern Studies (2012), University of Edinburgh. He studied Arabic at the American University in Cairo from 2012-2013 and lived in Egypt from 2012 2014. He is currently a PhD candidate in Islamwissenschaft at Free Univer sity Berlin. Eline Kasanwidjojo, MA in International Relations and International Orga nisation, University of Groningen. She lived between March 2012 and July 2013 in Cairo. She has been working with the Dutch Council for Refugees since January 2014. Quinta Smit, MA in Arab World Studies, University of Edinburgh, Arabic studies between September 2012 and March 2014 in Cairo. Since May 2014 delegate for the International Committee of the Red Cross. Cornelis Hulsman, MA in Development Sociology, Leiden University (1984). Occupied leading functions in the Dutch emigration service (1986 1994). Living in Egypt since 1994, founder and editor-in-chief of Arab-West Report and Deputy chairman of the Center for Arab-West Understanding. Author of several investigative reports on Muslim-Christian tensions in Egypt. 261 About the Center for Arab-West Understanding The Center for Arab-West Understanding (CAWU), an Egyptian NGO founded in 2007, was established to contribute to Arab-West understanding and reducing sectarianism in the Arab World through research with stu dent interns. CAWU researchers contribute to the Egyptian electronic mag azine Arab-West Report (AWR) which was established in 1997 with the purpose of correcting misinformation that could result in aggravating Mus lim-Christian and Arab-West relations. In twenty years of work AWR documented many instances where biased reporting actively contributed to an escalation of tensions. CAWU has hosted since 2007 over 200 interns from 20 different countries for periods between two and 12 months which has made CAWU Egypt's largest internship provider.CAWU works with the principle that research ers should observe developments and be descriptive in their work without becoming politically involved. CAWU is focused on fact-finding. Research ers provide critique on media reporting, interest groups and activists or statements made by politicians if needed. CAWU's purpose is to be as accurate as possible in reporting and based on this tries to understand why events have occurred as they did. Only then other parties will be able to use this information for the sake of making improvements. Good critique of current reporting requires much investigative work and this in turn is poss ible with support for CAWU. 262

Abstract

In 2013, a group of researchers had the unique chance to interview 61 Egyptian Islamists and their opponents both prior to and after Egypt’s military ousted President Mursī on July 3. Up to that time, Islamists with very different political perspectives were hopeful that they would be able to realize the implementation of sharīa and to create a utopian Islamic state. After the coup, many of them rejected the transformation and a number became involved in militant attacks on police, military and the judiciary. This resulted in harsh government responses. Their criticism has been muted, but they still exist. The interviews document authentic voices during this period of major political transformations. A must read for anyone who wants to understand contemporary Egypt.

References

Abstract

In 2013, a group of researchers had the unique chance to interview 61 Egyptian Islamists and their opponents both prior to and after Egypt’s military ousted President Mursī on July 3. Up to that time, Islamists with very different political perspectives were hopeful that they would be able to realize the implementation of sharīa and to create a utopian Islamic state. After the coup, many of them rejected the transformation and a number became involved in militant attacks on police, military and the judiciary. This resulted in harsh government responses. Their criticism has been muted, but they still exist. The interviews document authentic voices during this period of major political transformations. A must read for anyone who wants to understand contemporary Egypt.